For Sceptre and Crown - Volume II Part 28
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Volume II Part 28

The emperor's eyelids were almost entirely closed; he had completed his cigarette, and blew a thick cloud into the air before him.

"And besides," continued Klindworth, quitting his former remark completely, and somewhat raising his voice, "your majesty has a double reason for avoiding a brusque interference, you would benefit France as well as Austria very little."

The emperor listened with interest.

"If your majesty now interferes with an armed hand in the affairs of Germany," said Klindworth, drumming with his fingers, "two courses are possible. Prussia may yield, in which case things will remain as they are. Prussia will only be regarded as the President of the Confederation, and obtain some small territorial accession; in material matters she will remain as she was, but an immense moral weapon will have been placed in her hand. The German people will be told that the union of Germany has been prevented by France, that Austria has called in the national enemy, and as in Germany they may now write, read, and sing what they please, and as the newspapers and books and songs are made in Berlin, Austria's position amongst the German people would be morally annihilated, and on some future occasion--perhaps when France was engaged in some contrary direction--the perfectly ripened fruit would fall into the hands of the Hohenzollerns."

The emperor turned his moustache, and nodded approval.

"But," continued Klindworth, "and the character of her leaders renders this supposition the most probable, Prussia may not yield, but may undertake the war notwithstanding its enormous proportions. I fear then, Herr von Bismarck would succeed in inflaming a national war, and would lead united Germany against France."

"Would this be possible with the present feeling of Germany?" asked the emperor.

"Sire," said Klindworth, "if moving water will not freeze in winter an iron bar is thrown in, and the ice-rind forms at once. The sword of France thrown into the German movement would act like that iron bar, the waves would be still, and would form into a solid ma.s.s."

"But the South Germans?" asked the emperor--"both the people and the governments?"

"They have now lost all hope in Austria," said Klindworth; "they feel themselves in the power of Prussia; with a few promises, a few kind words, and a few threats it will not be difficult to gain them over to her side, for of this I am certain, they only want some reasonable and honourable excuse to join her."

The emperor was silent.

"If, however," said Klindworth with animation, "Prussia at once obtains what she desires, namely immediate and important accessions of territory, the complete annexation of Hanover, Hesse, &c.,--if only sufficient pressure is applied as to enable South Germany to retain its sovereign independence--the result will not be the union of Germany, that popular idea of all poets, singers, and beer-drinkers; on the contrary, it will be its separation, and all the blood that has been shed will only have been for the aggrandizement of Prussia. Domestic nationality, that feeling so dear to the German, will be directed against Prussia, and the national sympathy will turn towards Austria."

"Will this be possible?" asked the emperor.

"Certain," replied Klindworth; "if Austria, penetrated by another spirit, uses with prudent policy those powers which are now once more so active and potent--alas! that it should be so; but we must work with what will effect most."

"That is?" asked the emperor.

"Sire," said Klindworth, "if Prussia is increased in size by these annexations, and obtains the leadership in North Germany, she will be compelled to adopt a strict, unbending government, for the German races do not easily a.s.similate. One iron hand will be laid on North Germany, and the other constantly raised to menace South Germany. Then Austria must arise with fresh strength, as the shield of individual government, of independence, and of Liberty."

Napoleon smiled.

"Of liberty?"

"Why not?" cried Klindworth; "severe sicknesses are healed by means of dangerous poisons."

"But where is the skilful physician?" asked the emperor, laughing, "who can administer to sick Austria the proper dose of this poison? Count Mensdorff or Metternich?"

"I think I have found this physician," said Klindworth, gravely, without appearing perplexed.

The groom of the chambers entered.

"Colonel Fave is in the ante-room, sire."

The emperor rose.

"In one moment," he said.

Klindworth stood up and came nearer to the emperor.

"This physician," he said, in a low voice, "is von Beust."

Puzzled and amazed, the emperor gazed at him.

"Beust!" he cried, "the Protestant! Do you believe that the emperor----"

"I do believe it," said Klindworth; "but at all events, Herr von Beust is here; your majesty can sound him for yourself, and see whether my opinion is well founded."

He fixed his sharp eyes longer and more firmly than before upon the emperor, with a penetrating glance.

Napoleon smiled.

"He who plays with you," he said, "must lay his cards upon the table.

Wait with Pietri; I will see you again after I have spoken with your physician upon the future of Austria."

A smile of contentment played round the states-chancellor's thick lips, as with a low bow he withdrew through the portiere.

The emperor rang.

"Colonel Fave!"

The colonel, a thin man of middle height, with short black hair, and a small moustache, dressed in a black overcoat, half soldier, half courtier in manner, appeared at the door. He held it open for the minister of Saxony to enter, and he then withdrew.

Herr von Beust wore a grey overcoat, of some light summer material, thrown back from over his black coat, upon which sparkled the white star of the Legion of Honour. His slightly grey hair was carefully curled and arranged; his wide black trousers almost concealed the small foot in its well-fitting boot. His fine intellectual countenance, with its almost transparent complexion, eloquent mouth, and lively bright eyes, was paler than usual, and the amiable, winning smile was entirely gone. A melancholy expression was seen on his lips, and his whole face showed nervous anxiety.

He approached the emperor with the grace of a distinguished courtier, and bowed in silence.

Napoleon went to meet him with his fascinating smile, and held out his hand to him.

"However sorrowful may be the occasion," he said in a gentle voice, "I rejoice to see the most reliable and talented statesman in Germany."

"The most unhappy, sire," said von Beust sadly.

"They only are unhappy who have lost hope," replied the emperor, seating himself, and pointing out a chair to Herr von Beust, with a movement full of graceful courtesy.

"Sire, I have come to hear from your majesty's lips if I may still hope, and bid my sovereign do the same?"

The emperor's fingers glided over the points of his moustache.

"Tell me," he then said, "your views on events in Germany. I am anxious to have them pictured by your mouth, the mouth of a master of narrative and description," he added, with a gracious smile and a slight inclination of the head.

Beust's pale face grew animated.

"Sire," he said, "I have lost my game! I hoped to have created a new federal form of national life in Germany; to have repressed within definite boundaries the ambition of Prussia, and to have established the German Confederation in renewed power and authority, by enabling it to carry out freely the developments required by the present times. I deceived myself; I reckoned without considering the divisions in Germany, the weakness of Austria. The game is lost," he repeated, sighing; "but at least Saxony did all in her power to win."

"And is no lucky change in the game possible?" asked the emperor.

"I believe not," said von Beust; "in Vienna they still hope much from the southern army--from resuming the offensive. I do not believe in all that. A state does not easily recover from such a blow as Koniggratz, even if its inner life has not the stagnation, and has not fallen into the indolence, of Austria. Prussia is the victor in Germany, and will seize a victor's rights with an iron hand, if not restrained by a powerful veto."