For Sceptre and Crown - Volume I Part 15
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Volume I Part 15

The privy councillor had arranged his papers and slowly withdrew.

"I must impart to your majesty," said Meding, "that public opinion is much excited, and is making every effort to urge on a war; it desires your majesty to unite with Austria, and at once take a decided step against Prussia."

"Why so?" asked the king, "the amiable newspapers of the opposition often sigh for a Prussian head."

"Why, your majesty," replied Meding, "it is difficult to say why--so many and such different influences are at work; but the fact remains--all public opinion in the kingdom of Hanover craves to unite in common cause with Austria."

"Extraordinary," said George V.; "Count Decken spoke just in the same tone when he was here yesterday; he was furiously Austrian!"

"Count Decken, your majesty, speaks from the heart of the German union he created. He is also a violent admirer of Herr von Beust----"

"I know! I know!" exclaimed the king, "but is he quite right in saying that the whole world--the army, especially the younger officers,--predict a war with Prussia?"

"He is right, your majesty," replied Meding.

The king thought for a moment.

"And what do you do to stem this flood?" he then asked.

"I seek to calm, to guide, and to enlighten as far as my influence extends by means of the press, for I consider this flood pernicious; it tends to war, the greatest misfortune which could fall upon Germany, and such a war would place Hanover in a most dangerous position."

"Right! quite right!" cried the king, with animation, "every thing must be done to allay this warlike and anti-Prussian excitement. You know how strong is my conviction that a good understanding between the two first powers of the confederacy is the only sure foundation for the welfare of Germany, and what efforts I have made to maintain this. You know, too, how highly I prize the friendship of Prussia. They call me,"

added the king, "the enemy of Prussia, but indeed I am not. I defend my right of perfect independence and sovereignty, but I most ardently desire to live in peace and unity with Prussia. Those who would interrupt this peace are ignorant of the true interests of both states.

They talk in Berlin of the policy of Frederick the Great; how little they understand his policy! How highly did Frederick II. esteem the alliance of Hanover, from whence he obtained the Duke of Brunswick, his best general! And how great and beneficial were the results of this alliance, though it was directed against Austria. Oh! that it were possible to unite the two powers in a real and lasting friendship, and that it might be granted me to be the dot over the _i_ in this alliance! But should a rupture--which G.o.d forbid!--actually occur, I will take no part in so deplorable a war on either side."

The king said all this with the clearness and decision with which he always spoke to those completely in his confidence, for he loved to express his views to them on every question with great distinctness, that they might be able fully to carry out his plans and wishes.

"You are very right," he added, "in doing all you can to oppose this warlike and anti-Prussian propaganda."

"I am rejoiced," exclaimed Meding, "to hear your Majesty's views so plainly stated. My position, from being by birth a Prussian, is in this crisis extremely painful. What I regard as most desirable for the interest of Hanover and your majesty, purely from my own conviction, may easily be imputed to other motives, and will by some be so imputed.

It is therefore doubly necessary that I should always be completely informed what your majesty's views really are, that I may act accordingly."

"Do not trouble yourself to fight against foolish notions," said the king, with his peculiarly engaging and gracious smile. "I am sure, my dear Meding, you will always have my interests and the interests of Hanover at heart. You know I regard public opinion as the sixth great power of Europe--perhaps as the first--and the press, the organ of this great power, I wish to use as a mainspring of royalty. I desire to hear what the people say and think, and, in the organs of the government alone, to see my wishes and intentions expressed. I wish to know the real thoughts and opinions of the people, whether they are right or wrong, and I wish the people to know my views and desires. Thus perfect openness exists between my subjects and myself, and the interests of the crown are furthered. You know so well how to express my thoughts, and have created for me what I long ardently desired and held to be necessary--do not fear any mistrust or misconception."

And the king offered his hand to Meding. He rose and pressed his lips on the royal hand.

"Your majesty has always permitted me," he then said, "to express my views and opinions freely and without reserve on all questions of state, whether foreign or domestic, and this right is an unspeakable a.s.sistance in the fulfilment of the difficult task which your majesty has given me. I humbly beg your permission in this grave moment freely to express my opinion."

"Speak, speak, my dear Meding, I listen anxiously," said the king, as he leant back in his arm-chair, and supported his head with his hand.

"Your majesty knows that it is a kind of _mot d'ordre_ of German, yes, even of European diplomacy, _not_ to believe in a war between Prussia and Austria. This seems to me like the conduct of the ostrich, who hid his head, hoping to escape danger by not seeing it."

"You believe in war, then?" asked the king, without changing his place.

"I believe in it, your majesty, from the present state of affairs. The disputed questions are on a steep incline, and have rolled down too far to return. The despatches from Berlin and Vienna confirm my views that war is inevitable, as well as the Austrian and Prussian official and unofficial press."

"They speak most peaceably, you told me so yesterday," interrupted the king.

"Exactly for that reason I believe both sides are determined on hostilities. If they only wished to threaten, and to use their armaments as a weight in the balance, by which they might obtain a diplomatic compromise, all the government newspapers would be clattering the sword. These a.s.surances of peace disquiet me. Each side seeks the best _casus belli_, and desires to throw the blame of a rupture on the opponent. I am convinced we shall soon be in the midst of war unless a miracle occurs. Count Platen will not believe it."

"The ostrich," said the king.

Meding smiled, and proceeded:--

"This situation is more dangerous for your majesty and for Hanover than for any other state. In the moment of action Prussia will respect nothing."

"I have already declared that under any circ.u.mstance I shall remain neutral," said the king.

"Certainly, your majesty; but no treaty is concluded. Count Platen has only expressed your majesty's intention to remain neutral generally to Count Ysenberg; but, from fear of giving offence in Frankfort and Vienna, no negotiations are proceeding and no treaty is concluded."

"Do you regard a formal treaty as needful?" asked the king.

"I regard it as indispensable. Prussia will willingly conclude such a treaty now, and once concluded she will respect it. In the moment of action she will ask more, and after victory, I think a treaty of neutrality will be the guarantee of the independence--yes, even of the existence--of Hanover."

The king sat upright.

"Do you hold it possible that Prussia could think of attacking the existence of Hanover?"

"I would neglect no guarantee to the contrary," replied Meding; "the war about to break out is a war for existence: old Germany will fall in ruins; under such circ.u.mstances we must not expect to be particularly respected. A veritable treaty of neutrality, concluded now, not only secures our existence, but perhaps our full independence in a new Germany, for, I must repeat it, I believe if Prussia once signed such a treaty it would under any circ.u.mstances be respected."

"But," objected the king, "they are daily telling me how prejudicial a treaty with Prussia will be, supposing Austria is victorious."

"I have heard this remarkable logic," replied Meding, "and I cannot understand it. If Austria is the conqueror, will she give Hanover to Prussia? Besides, your Majesty knows I do not believe in Austria's success."

The king was silent.

"It is a difficult position," he said, at last. "Sir Charles Wyke was here yesterday, conjuring me to be firm to Austria and the confederacy.

He brought me a letter from Lord Clarendon to the same purport."

The king took a small key and opened a sliding panel in his writing table, and, after feeling in the recess for a minute, he handed Meding a letter across the table.

"Read this."

Meding looked through the paper.

"I quite understand the policy of England, your majesty," he then said: "in London they wish to maintain peace at any price, yet they desire to lecture Prussia on the Danish question. They hope, if your majesty places yourself decidedly and without reserve on the side of Austria and the Saxon party in Frankfort, Prussia will withdraw from the struggle in alarm, and make concessions, perhaps call on England to mediate; by which means the English cabinet might find an opportunity of effecting something in favour of Denmark. I think they are quite out in their reckoning. But be it as it may, your majesty has to guide the policy of Hanover, and not of England. Lord Clarendon's letter is useless, unless he promises the English fleet to back it up. If your majesty should get into danger and difficulty from following the advice here given, not a single English man-of-war would come to your a.s.sistance. England undertakes the part of that evil demon, who appeared to Hector under the form of his brother Deiphobus, and who urged him to the combat with Achilles, but who had vanished when the Trojan hero looked round for a fresh spear. I wish," continued Meding, after a short pause, "to tell you of an idea, which if carried out would greatly remove the objections made to the conclusion of a treaty of neutrality."

The king raised himself in his chair, and fixed his eyes with a look of such interest on the speaker it was almost impossible to believe them sightless.

"Your majesty doubtless remembers," said Meding, "the immense advantage derived from your close alliance with Hesse Ca.s.sel during the last political crisis, and the strong and beneficial influence it had on the course of events; this alliance alone prevented Herr von Beust's unheard-of Augustenburg policy from being carried out, and the whole confederacy broken up. According to my convictions, your majesty in this dangerous crisis should act entirely in concert with Hesse Ca.s.sel, and gain the Grand Duke of Oldenburg to take part in an alliance of neutrality. Your majesty would thus be at the head of a group willing to have you for a leader; you would secure the future safety of Hanover, do Prussia a service, and divide the displeasure of Austria amongst several pairs of shoulders. It is my firm conviction that in concert with Hesse Ca.s.sel you should conclude a treaty of neutrality with Prussia. Should this treaty not be respected hereafter--which I own I consider impossible--at least a compact body will be ready to defend it. I believe a firm and energetic step in this direction will do more to prevent war than Lord Clarendon's advice of entire devotion to Austria."

"When Meeting ceased speaking, the king, who had listened to him with the greatest interest, struck the table with two of the fingers of his right hand.

"You are right," he cried aloud; "you are perfectly right."

He pressed with his left hand upon a k.n.o.b attached to his writing table. The groom of the chambers entered.

"The privy councillor immediately!" exclaimed the king.

As the attendant withdrew, the king said:--