Three months later, North Korea defied the world again by carrying out its first full-fledged nuclear test. President Hu's reaction was firmer this time. "The Chinese government strongly opposes this," he said. "We engaged in conversations to appeal to the North Koreans for restraint. However, our neighbor turned a deaf ear to our advice."

With support from all partners in the Six-Party Talks Six-Party Talks, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1718. The resolution imposed the toughest sanctions on North Korea since the end of the Korean War. The United States also tightened our sanctions on the North Korean banking system and sought to deny Kim Jong-il his precious luxury goods.

The pressure worked. In February 2007, North Korea agreed to shut down its main nuclear reactor and allow UN inspectors back into the country to verify its actions. In exchange, we and our Six-Party partners provided energy aid, and the United States agreed to remove North Korea from our list of state sponsors of terror. In June 2008, North Korea blew up the cooling tower at Yongbyon on international television. In this case, no further verification was necessary.

The problem was not solved, however. The people of North Korea were still starving and suffering. Intelligence reports provided increased evidence that North Korea was continuing its highly enriched uranium program, even as it claimed to be shutting down its plutonium reprocessing.

In the short run, I believe the Six-Party Talks Six-Party Talks represented the best chance to maintain leverage on represented the best chance to maintain leverage on Kim Jong-il Kim Jong-il and rid the Korean Peninsula of nuclear weapons. In the long run, I am convinced the only path to meaningful change is for the North Korean people to be free. and rid the Korean Peninsula of nuclear weapons. In the long run, I am convinced the only path to meaningful change is for the North Korean people to be free.

The freedom agenda freedom agenda was a sensitive subject with was a sensitive subject with China China. My policy was to engage the Chinese in areas where we agreed, and use this cooperation to build the trust and credibility we needed to speak plainly about our differences.

I worked to develop close relations with China's leaders, Jiang Zemin Jiang Zemin and and Hu Jintao Hu Jintao. President Jiang and I got off to a rough start. On April 1, 2001, an American surveillance plane known as an EP-3 collided with a Chinese aircraft and made an emergency landing on Hainan Island. The Chinese pilot ejected from the c.o.c.kpit and died. Our twenty-four-person crew was held at a military barracks on the island and interrogated. The Iranian hostage crisis was at the forefront of my mind. This was not the way I wanted to start my relationship with China.

After several agonizing days of trying to reach the Chinese, I connected with President Jiang, who was in Chile. The Chinese soon agreed to release the EP-3 crew. In return, I wrote a letter expressing regret over the death of their pilot and our landing on Hainan without verbal clearance. I later learned that China's handling of the EP-3 crisis was based on the government's belief that the Chinese people had perceived weakness in the response to America's accidental bombing of the Chinese emba.s.sy in Belgrade in 1999. After the EP-3 incident, the Chinese sent us a $1 million bill for the American crew's food and lodging. We offered them $34,000.

In February 2002, Laura and I made our first trip to Beijing. President Jiang was a cordial and welcoming host. After a banquet in our honor at the Great Hall of the People, he entertained the crowd with a rendition of "O Sole Mio," accompanied by two beautiful Chinese women clad in military uniforms. His serenade was a big change from the previous year, when I couldn't get him on the phone. It was a sign we were developing trust.

With Jiang Zemin. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper That trust was strengthened by an understanding on Taiwan Taiwan, the island democracy that had been governed separately from the mainland since Chiang Kai-shek clashed with Mao Zedong during the Chinese Civil War in 1949. Every time I met with Chinese leaders, I confirmed that America's longstanding "one China" policy would not change. I also made clear that I opposed any unilateral change to the status quo, including a declaration of independence by Taiwan or military action by China.

When Hu Jintao Hu Jintao took office, I was determined to forge a close relationship with him as well. Sixteen years younger than his predecessor, President Hu had an unexcitable demeanor and a keen a.n.a.lytical mind. Like many in the new generation of Chinese leaders, he was trained as an engineer. During a lunch in the East Room, I turned to him with a question that I liked to ask fellow world leaders: "What keeps you up at night?" took office, I was determined to forge a close relationship with him as well. Sixteen years younger than his predecessor, President Hu had an unexcitable demeanor and a keen a.n.a.lytical mind. Like many in the new generation of Chinese leaders, he was trained as an engineer. During a lunch in the East Room, I turned to him with a question that I liked to ask fellow world leaders: "What keeps you up at night?"

With Hu Jintao. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper I told him I stayed awake worrying about another terrorist attack on America. He quickly replied that his biggest concern was creating twenty-five million new jobs a year. I found his answer fascinating. It was honest. It showed he was worried about the impact of disaffected, unemployed ma.s.ses. It explained his government's policies in resource-rich places like Iran and Africa. And it was a signal that he was a practical leader focused inward, not an ideologue likely to stir up trouble abroad.

I worked with President Hu to find common ground on issues from North Korea to climate change to trade. Expanding American access to China's one billion potential consumers was a high priority for me, just as access to the U.S. market was essential for the Chinese. I also saw trade as a tool to promote the freedom agenda. I believed that, over time, the freedom inherent in the market would lead people to demand liberty in the public square. One of my first decisions was to continue President Clinton's support for China's entry into the World Trade Organization. To solidify our economic relationship, I asked Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson Hank Paulson and Condi to create the Strategic Economic Dialogue. and Condi to create the Strategic Economic Dialogue.

One area of disagreement with the Chinese leadership was human rights. My focus was on religious liberty, because I believe that allowing people to worship as they choose is a cornerstone of the freedom agenda. In one of our first meetings, I explained to President Jiang that faith was a vital part of my life and that I studied the Word every day. I told him I planned to raise freedom of worship in our conversations. "I read the Bible," he replied, "but I don't trust what it says."

I told both Jiang and Hu that religious believers would be peaceful and productive citizens, the kind of people who would make their country stronger. I told them that for China to reach its full potential, they needed to trust their people with greater freedom. I didn't hector or lecture them; I let my actions send the message. Laura and I attended church in Beijing, met with religious leaders like Cardinal Joseph Zen Joseph Zen of Hong Kong, and spoke out for the rights of Chinese underground preachers and worshippers, bloggers, dissidents, and political prisoners. of Hong Kong, and spoke out for the rights of Chinese underground preachers and worshippers, bloggers, dissidents, and political prisoners.

At the 2007 APEC Summit in Sydney, I told President Hu I planned to attend a ceremony where the Dalai Lama Dalai Lama would receive the Congressional Gold Medal. The Buddhist leader was a source of distress for the Chinese government, which accused him of stirring up separatists in Tibet. I met with the Dalai Lama five times during my presidency, and I found him to be a charming, peaceful man. I told China's leaders they should not fear him. "This is not meant as a slap at China," I said, "but as a measure of my respect for the Dalai Lama and for the U.S. Congress. You know my strong belief in religious freedom." would receive the Congressional Gold Medal. The Buddhist leader was a source of distress for the Chinese government, which accused him of stirring up separatists in Tibet. I met with the Dalai Lama five times during my presidency, and I found him to be a charming, peaceful man. I told China's leaders they should not fear him. "This is not meant as a slap at China," I said, "but as a measure of my respect for the Dalai Lama and for the U.S. Congress. You know my strong belief in religious freedom."

With the Dalai Lama. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper "This is a politically sensitive issue in China," President Hu replied. "...It will draw a very strong reaction from the Chinese people." What he meant was that it would draw a strong reaction from the government, which did not want me to be the first American president to appear with the Dalai Lama in public.

"I'm afraid that I have to go to that ceremony," I said.

I also had some good news to share. "How is your Olympic planning coming?" I asked, referring to the 2008 Summer Games, which China had been chosen to host.

He gave me an update on the construction process. I told him I was coming to the Games. I knew I would face pressure not to, and many would try to politicize the Olympics, but I promised he could count on me to attend. "I've got my hotel reservations already," I joked. He looked relieved.

The Beijing Olympics were one of the highlights of my final year in office. I flew over on Air Force One with Laura and Barbara, my brother Marvin, my sister-in-law Margaret, and our friends Roland and Lois Betts Roland and Lois Betts and and Brad Freeman Brad Freeman. Mother, Dad, and Doro met us in China. Dad and I joined Amba.s.sador Sandy Randt Sandy Randt, who served in Beijing all eight years, to open a huge new American emba.s.sy. It was quite a change from the small diplomatic post Dad led thirty-three years earlier. In an extraordinary gesture of generosity, President Hu hosted a lunch for us all at the government's Zhongnanhai Compound, a Bush family reunion like none before or since.

(From left:) My niece Lauren, sister Doro, Barbara, Dad, Hu Jintao Hu Jintao, Laura, brother Marvin, and sister-in-law Margaret. White House/Shealah Craighead White House/Shealah Craighead The Beijing Olympics turned out to be a phenomenal success-and a lot of fun. We were at the Water Cube when the men's swimming team staged a dramatic comeback to edge out France for the gold medal in the freestyle relay. I dropped by to watch the impressive team of Misty May-Treanor Misty May-Treanor and and Kerri Walsh Kerri Walsh practice for their beach volleyball match. I made international news by giving Misty a playful slap on the back-a little north of the traditional target. We visited the locker room before Team USA and China squared off in the most-watched basketball game in history. The players couldn't have been more gracious or impressive. "Hey, Pops!" practice for their beach volleyball match. I made international news by giving Misty a playful slap on the back-a little north of the traditional target. We visited the locker room before Team USA and China squared off in the most-watched basketball game in history. The players couldn't have been more gracious or impressive. "Hey, Pops!" LeBron James LeBron James called out when Dad entered the room. called out when Dad entered the room.

At the Beijing Olympics. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper The Olympics gave the world a chance to see the beauty and creativity of China. My hope is that the Games also gave the Chinese people a glimpse of the wider world, including the possibility of an independent press, open Internet, and free speech. Time will tell what the long-term impact of the Beijing Olympics will be. But history shows that once people get a taste of freedom, they eventually want more.

November 23, 2002, was a rainy, gray day in Bucharest. Yet tens of thousands had turned out in Revolution Square to mark Romania Romania's admission to NATO, a landmark development for a country that just fifteen years earlier was a Soviet satellite state and a member of the Warsaw Pact. As I approached the stage, I noticed a brightly lit balcony. "What is that?" I asked the advance man. He told me it was where Nicolai Ceausescu Nicolai Ceausescu, the communist dictator of Romania, had given his last speech before he was overthrown in 1989.

As President Ion Iliescu Ion Iliescu introduced me, the rain stopped and a full-spectrum rainbow appeared. It stretched across the sky and ended right behind the balcony that was lit as a memorial to freedom. It was a stunning moment. I ad-libbed: "G.o.d is smiling on us today." introduced me, the rain stopped and a full-spectrum rainbow appeared. It stretched across the sky and ended right behind the balcony that was lit as a memorial to freedom. It was a stunning moment. I ad-libbed: "G.o.d is smiling on us today."

Congratulating Romania on its admission into NATO. White House/Paul Morse White House/Paul Morse Romania was not the only young democracy celebrating that day. I had also cast America's vote to admit Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, and Slovenia into NATO. I viewed NATO expansion NATO expansion as a powerful tool to advance the freedom agenda. Because NATO requires nations to meet high standards for economic and political openness, the possibility of membership acts as an incentive for reform. as a powerful tool to advance the freedom agenda. Because NATO requires nations to meet high standards for economic and political openness, the possibility of membership acts as an incentive for reform.

A year after my speech in Bucharest, a charismatic young democrat named Mikheil Saakashvili Mikheil Saakashvili burst into the opening session of parliament in the former Soviet republic of burst into the opening session of parliament in the former Soviet republic of Georgia Georgia. Speaking for thousands of Georgian demonstrators, he denounced the a.s.sembly as the illegitimate result of a corrupt election. President Eduard Shevardnadze Eduard Shevardnadze felt the groundswell and resigned. The bloodless coup became known as the Rose Revolution. Six weeks later, the Georgian people went to the polls and chose Saakashvili to be their president. felt the groundswell and resigned. The bloodless coup became known as the Rose Revolution. Six weeks later, the Georgian people went to the polls and chose Saakashvili to be their president.

In November 2004, a similar wave of protests broke out after a fraudulent presidential election in Ukraine Ukraine. Hundreds of thousands braved freezing temperatures to demonstrate for opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko Viktor Yushchenko. At one point during the campaign, Yushchenko suffered a mysterious poisoning that disfigured his face. Yet he refused to drop out of the race. His supporters turned out every day clad in orange scarves and ribbons until the Ukrainian Supreme Court ordered a rerun of the tainted election. Yushchenko won and was sworn in on January 23, 2005, completing the Orange Revolution.

At the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest, both Georgia and Ukraine applied for Membership Action Plans, MAPs, the final step before consideration for full membership. I was a strong supporter of their applications. But approval required unanimity, and both Angela Merkel Angela Merkel and and Nicolas Sarkozy Nicolas Sarkozy, the new president of France, were skeptical. They knew Georgia and Ukraine had tense relationships with Moscow, and they worried NATO could get drawn into a war with Russia. They were also concerned about corruption.

I thought the threat from Russia strengthened the case for extending MAPs to Georgia and Ukraine. Russia would be less likely to engage in aggression if these countries were on a path into NATO. As for the governance issues, a step toward membership would encourage them to clean up corruption. We agreed on a compromise: We would not grant Georgia and Ukraine MAPs in Bucharest, but we would issue a statement announcing that they were destined for future membership in NATO. At the end of the debate, Prime Minister Gordon Brown Gordon Brown of Great Britain leaned over to me and said, "We didn't give them MAPs, but we may have just made them members!" of Great Britain leaned over to me and said, "We didn't give them MAPs, but we may have just made them members!"

The NATO debate over Georgia and Ukraine highlighted the influence of Russia. In my first meeting with Vladimir Putin Vladimir Putin in the spring of 2001, he complained that Russia was burdened by Soviet-era debt. At that point, oil was selling for $26 per barrel. By the time I saw Putin at the APEC summit in Sydney in September 2007, oil had reached $71-on its way to $137 in the summer of 2008. He leaned back in his chair and asked how were Russia's mortgage-backed securities doing. in the spring of 2001, he complained that Russia was burdened by Soviet-era debt. At that point, oil was selling for $26 per barrel. By the time I saw Putin at the APEC summit in Sydney in September 2007, oil had reached $71-on its way to $137 in the summer of 2008. He leaned back in his chair and asked how were Russia's mortgage-backed securities doing.

The comment was vintage Putin. He was sometimes c.o.c.ky, sometimes charming, always tough. Over my eight years as president, I met face to face with Vladimir more than forty times. Laura and I had wonderful visits with him and his wife, Lyudmilla, at our home in Crawford and his dacha outside Moscow, where he showed me his private chapel and let me drive his cla.s.sic 1956 Volga. He took us on a beautiful boat ride through St. Petersburg during the White Nights Festival. I invited him to Kennebunkport, where we went fishing with Dad. I'll never forget Putin's reaction the first time he came into the Oval Office. It was early in the morning, and the light was streaming through the south windows. As he stepped through the door, he blurted out, "My G.o.d...This is beautiful!" It was quite a response for a former KGB agent from the atheist Soviet Union.

Through all the ups and downs, Putin and I were candid with each other. We cooperated in some important areas, including fighting terrorism, removing the Taliban from Afghanistan, and securing nuclear materials.

One of the biggest achievements emerged from our first meeting, in Slovenia in 2001. I told Vladimir I planned to give him the required six months' notice that America would withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, so that we could both develop effective missile defense systems. He made clear that this wouldn't make me popular in Europe. I told him I had campaigned on the issue and the American people expected me to follow through. "The Cold War is over," I told Putin. "We are no longer enemies."

I also informed him that America would unilaterally cut our a.r.s.enal of strategic nuclear warheads by two thirds. Putin agreed to match our reductions. Less than a year later, we signed the Moscow Treaty Moscow Treaty, which pledged our nations to shrink our number of deployed warheads from 6,600 weapons to between 1,700 and 2,200 by 2012. The treaty amounted to one of the largest nuclear weapons cuts in history, and it happened without the endless negotiations that usually come with arms-control agreements arms-control agreements.

Over the course of eight years, Russia's newfound wealth affected Putin. He became aggressive abroad and more defensive about his record at home. In our first one-on-one meeting of my second term, in Bratislava, I raised my concerns about Russia's lack of progress on democracy. I was especially worried about his arrests of Russian businessmen and his crackdown on the free press. "Don't lecture me about the free press," he said, "not after you fired that reporter."

It dawned on me what he was referring to. "Vladimir, are you talking about Dan Rather Dan Rather?" I asked. He said he was. I said, "I strongly suggest you not say that in public. The American people will think you don't understand our system."

At a joint press conference after the meeting, I called on two American reporters and Vladimir called on two Russian journalists. The last question came from Alexei Meshkov Alexei Meshkov of the Interfax news agency. It was addressed to Putin. "President Bush recently stated that the press in Russia is not free," he said. "What is this lack of freedom all about?...Why don't you talk a lot about violations of the rights of journalists in the United States, about the fact that some journalists have been fired?" What a coincidence. The so-called free press of Russia was parroting Vladimir's line. of the Interfax news agency. It was addressed to Putin. "President Bush recently stated that the press in Russia is not free," he said. "What is this lack of freedom all about?...Why don't you talk a lot about violations of the rights of journalists in the United States, about the fact that some journalists have been fired?" What a coincidence. The so-called free press of Russia was parroting Vladimir's line.

Putin and I both loved physical fitness. Vladimir worked out hard, swam regularly, and practiced judo. We were both compet.i.tive people. On his visit to Camp David, I introduced Putin to our Scottish terrier, Barney. He wasn't very impressed. On my next trip to Russia, Vladimir asked if I wanted to meet his dog, Koni. Sure, I said. As we walked the birch-lined grounds of his dacha, a big black Labrador came charging across the lawn. With a twinkle in his eye, Vladimir said, "Bigger, stronger, and faster than Barney." I later told the story to my friend, Prime Minister Stephen Harper Stephen Harper of Canada. "You're lucky he only showed you his dog," he replied. of Canada. "You're lucky he only showed you his dog," he replied.

Taking my man Barney for a spin on the ranch, the only place the Secret Service let me drive. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper The Barney story was instructive. Putin was a proud man who loved his country. He wanted Russia to have the stature of a great power again and was driven to expand Russia's spheres of influence. He intimidated democracies on his borders and used energy as an economic weapon by cutting off natural gas to parts of Eastern Europe.

Putin was wily. As a quid pro quo for supporting Jacques Chirac Jacques Chirac and and Gerhard Schroeder Gerhard Schroeder in their efforts to counterbalance American influence, Putin convinced them to defend his consolidation of power in Russia. At a G-8 dinner in St. Petersburg, most of the leaders challenged Putin on his democratic record. Jacques Chirac did not. He announced that Putin was doing a fine job running Russia, and it was none of our business how he did it. That was nothing compared to what Gerhard Schroeder did. Shortly after the German chancellor stepped down from office, he became chairman of a company owned by Gazprom, Russia's state-owned energy giant. in their efforts to counterbalance American influence, Putin convinced them to defend his consolidation of power in Russia. At a G-8 dinner in St. Petersburg, most of the leaders challenged Putin on his democratic record. Jacques Chirac did not. He announced that Putin was doing a fine job running Russia, and it was none of our business how he did it. That was nothing compared to what Gerhard Schroeder did. Shortly after the German chancellor stepped down from office, he became chairman of a company owned by Gazprom, Russia's state-owned energy giant.

Putin liked power, and the Russian people liked him. Huge oil-fed budget surpluses didn't hurt. He used his stature to handpick his successor, Dmitry Medvedev Dmitry Medvedev. Then he got himself appointed prime minister.

The low point in our relationship came in August 2008, when Russia sent tanks across the border into Georgia Georgia to occupy South Ossetia and Abkhazia, two provinces that were part of Georgia but had close ties to Russia. I was in Beijing for the Opening Ceremony of the Olympic Games. Laura and I were standing in line to greet President Hu Jintao when to occupy South Ossetia and Abkhazia, two provinces that were part of Georgia but had close ties to Russia. I was in Beijing for the Opening Ceremony of the Olympic Games. Laura and I were standing in line to greet President Hu Jintao when Jim Jeffrey Jim Jeffrey, my deputy national security adviser, whispered the news about Russia's offensive. I looked a few places ahead of me in line. There was Vladimir. I decided the receiving line was not the appropriate place for heated diplomacy.

I also thought it was important that I direct my concerns to President Medvedev. I didn't know Medvedev well. In April 2008, just before the change of power, Vladimir had invited Medvedev to visit with us in Sochi, Russia's equivalent of Camp David. The mood was festive. Putin hosted a nice dinner, followed by folk dancing. At one point, members of my delegation, including me, were plucked from our seats to take the stage. The dance felt like a combination of square dancing and the jitterbug. I'm sure I would have been more fluid if I'd had a little vodka in my system. Curiously enough, I rarely saw vodka on my trips to Russia, unlike in the old days of communism.

I appreciated the chance to spend time with Medvedev, Russia's first noncommunist leader since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. He had given an impressive speech outlining his commitment to the rule of law, liberalizing the Russian economy, and reducing corruption. I told him I was looking forward to dealing with him president to president. The big question, of course, was whether he would actually run the country. As a way of testing, I asked Vladimir if he would still use the Sochi compound after Medvedev a.s.sumed office. "No," he said without hesitation, "this is the summer palace of the president."

With Dmitry Medvedev. White House/Chris Greenburg White House/Chris Greenburg I called Medvedev when I got back to my hotel in Beijing. He was hot. So was I. "My strong advice is to start deescalating this thing now," I said. "The disproportionality of your actions is going to turn the world against you. We're going to be with them."

Medvedev told me Saakashvili was like Saddam Hussein. He claimed Saakashvili had launched an unprovoked "barbarian" attack that had killed more than fifteen hundred civilians.

"I hope you're not saying you're going to kill fifteen hundred people in response," I shot back. "You've made your point loud and clear," I said. "I hope you consider what I've asked very seriously."

My biggest concern was that the Russians would storm all the way to Tbilisi and overthrow the democratically elected Saakashvili. It was clear the Russians couldn't stand a democratic Georgia with a pro-Western president. I wondered if they would have been as aggressive if NATO had approved Georgia's MAP application.

I called Saakashvili next. He was understandably shaken. He described the Russian a.s.sault and urged me not to abandon Georgia. "I hear you," I said. "We do not want Georgia to collapse." In the coming days, I spoke out in defense of Georgia's territorial integrity, worked with President Sarkozy-who was serving as president of the European Union-to rally nations to call on Russia to withdraw, dispatched relief supplies to Georgia aboard U.S. military aircraft, and promised to help rebuild the Georgian military.

At the Opening Ceremony of the Olympics, Laura and I were seated in the same row as Vladimir and his interpreter. This was the chance to have the conversation I had put off in the Great Hall. Laura and the man next to her, the king of Cambodia, shifted down a few seats. Putin slid in next to me.

I knew the TV cameras would be on us, so I tried not to get overly animated. I told him he'd made a serious mistake and that Russia would isolate itself if it didn't get out of Georgia. He said Saakashvili was a war criminal-the same term Medvedev had used-who had provoked Russia.

"I've been warning you Saakashvili is hot-blooded," I told Putin.

"I'm hot-blooded, too," Putin retorted.

I stared back at him. "No, Vladimir," I said. "You're cold-blooded."

After a few weeks of intense diplomacy, Russia had withdrawn most of its invading troops, but they maintained an unlawful military presence in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Vladimir Putin Vladimir Putin called me during my last week in office to wish me well, which was a thoughtful gesture. Still, given what I'd hoped Putin and I could accomplish in moving past the Cold War, Russia stands out as a disappointment in the freedom agenda. called me during my last week in office to wish me well, which was a thoughtful gesture. Still, given what I'd hoped Putin and I could accomplish in moving past the Cold War, Russia stands out as a disappointment in the freedom agenda.

Russia was not the only one. I was hopeful that Egypt Egypt would be a leader for freedom and reform in the Arab world, just as it had been a leader for peace under Anwar Sadat a generation before. Unfortunately, after a promising presidential election in 2005 that included opposition candidates, the government cracked down during the legislative elections later that year, jailing dissidents and bloggers who advocated a democratic alternative. would be a leader for freedom and reform in the Arab world, just as it had been a leader for peace under Anwar Sadat a generation before. Unfortunately, after a promising presidential election in 2005 that included opposition candidates, the government cracked down during the legislative elections later that year, jailing dissidents and bloggers who advocated a democratic alternative.

Venezuela also slid back from democracy. President also slid back from democracy. President Hugo Chavez Hugo Chavez polluted the airwaves with hard-core anti-American sermons while spreading a version of phony populism that he termed the Bolivarian Revolution. Sadly, he squandered the Venezuelan people's money and is ruining their country. He is becoming the Robert Mugabe of South America. Regrettably, the leaders of Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador have followed his example. polluted the airwaves with hard-core anti-American sermons while spreading a version of phony populism that he termed the Bolivarian Revolution. Sadly, he squandered the Venezuelan people's money and is ruining their country. He is becoming the Robert Mugabe of South America. Regrettably, the leaders of Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador have followed his example.

There are other isolated outposts of tyranny-places like Belarus, Burma, Cuba, and Sudan. My hope is that America will continue to stand with the dissidents and freedom advocates there. I met with more than a hundred dissidents over the course of my presidency. Their plight can look bleak, but it is not hopeless. As I said in my Second Inaugural Address, the freedom agenda demands "the concentrated work of generations." Once change arrives, it often moves quickly, as the world saw in the European revolutions of 1989 and the rapid transformation of East Asia after World War II. When the people are finally set free, it is often the dissidents and the prisoners-people like Vaclav Havel Vaclav Havel and and Nelson Mandela Nelson Mandela-who emerge as the leaders of their free countries.

Despite the setbacks for setbacks for the freedom agenda, there were many more examples of hope and progress. Georgians and Ukrainians joined the ranks of free peoples, Kosovo became an independent nation, and NATO expanded from nineteen members to twenty-six. Under the courageous leadership of President the freedom agenda, there were many more examples of hope and progress. Georgians and Ukrainians joined the ranks of free peoples, Kosovo became an independent nation, and NATO expanded from nineteen members to twenty-six. Under the courageous leadership of President Alvaro Uribe Alvaro Uribe, Colombia's democracy reclaimed its sovereign territory from narcoterrorists. With support from the United States, multiethnic democracies from India and Indonesia to Brazil and Chile became leaders in their regions and models for developing free societies around the world.

Alvaro Uribe and his wife, Lina Moreno, arrive at the ranch in Crawford. White House/Paul Morse White House/Paul Morse The most dramatic advances for freedom came in the Middle East. In 2001, the region saw terrorism on the rise, raging violence between Palestinians Palestinians and Israelis, the destabilizing influence of Saddam Hussein, and Israelis, the destabilizing influence of Saddam Hussein, Libya Libya developing weapons of ma.s.s destruction, tens of thousands of Syrian troops occupying developing weapons of ma.s.s destruction, tens of thousands of Syrian troops occupying Lebanon Lebanon, Iran Iran pressing ahead unopposed with a nuclear weapons program, widespread economic stagnation, and little progress toward political reform. pressing ahead unopposed with a nuclear weapons program, widespread economic stagnation, and little progress toward political reform.

By 2009, nations across the Middle East were actively fighting terrorism instead of looking the other way. Iraq was a multi-religious, multiethnic democracy and an ally of the United States. Libya had renounced its weapons of ma.s.s destruction and resumed normal relations with the world. The Lebanese people had kicked out Syrian troops and restored democracy. The Palestinian people had an increasingly peaceful government on the West Bank and momentum toward a democratic state that would live side by side with Israel in peace. And Iran's freedom movement was active after the summer 2009 presidential election.

Throughout the region, economic reform and political openness were beginning to advance. Kuwait Kuwait held its first election in which women were allowed to vote and hold office. In 2009, women won several seats. Women also held government positions in Oman, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. Bahrain named a Jewish female amba.s.sador to the United States. Jordan, Morocco, and Bahrain held compet.i.tive parliamentary elections. While it remains a highly ordered monarchy, held its first election in which women were allowed to vote and hold office. In 2009, women won several seats. Women also held government positions in Oman, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. Bahrain named a Jewish female amba.s.sador to the United States. Jordan, Morocco, and Bahrain held compet.i.tive parliamentary elections. While it remains a highly ordered monarchy, Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia held its first munic.i.p.al elections, and held its first munic.i.p.al elections, and King Abdullah King Abdullah founded the kingdom's first university open to both Saudi women and men. Across the region, trade and investment expanded. Internet use rose sharply. And conversations about democracy and reform grew louder-especially among women, who I am confident will lead the freedom movement throughout the Middle East. founded the kingdom's first university open to both Saudi women and men. Across the region, trade and investment expanded. Internet use rose sharply. And conversations about democracy and reform grew louder-especially among women, who I am confident will lead the freedom movement throughout the Middle East.

In January 2008, I traveled to Abu Dhabi Abu Dhabi and and Dubai Dubai, two Arab emirates that had embraced free trade and open societies. Their downtown centers boasted glittering skysc.r.a.pers filled with entrepreneurs and business professionals, men and women alike. In Dubai, I visited with university students studying in fields as diverse as business, science, and history.

On the last night of my visit, the forward-looking crown prince of Abu Dhabi, my friend Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, invited me to his desert retreat for a traditional dinner. He told me a number of government officials would join us. I expected middle-aged men. But I was wrong. The crown prince's government included young, smart Muslim women. They spoke about their determination to continue reform and progress-and to deepen their friendship with the United States.

With Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper The sands of Abu Dhabi were a long way from the Inaugural platform that I stood atop in January 2005. But in the desert that night, I saw the future of the Middle East-a region that honors its ancient culture while embracing the modern world. It will take decades for the changes set in motion in recent years to be fully realized. There will be setbacks along the way. But I am confident in the destination: The people of the Middle East will be free, and America will be more secure as a result.

*Governor Mike Leavitt Mike Leavitt of Utah, who became my Environmental Protection Agency director and Health and Human Services secretary; Governor of Utah, who became my Environmental Protection Agency director and Health and Human Services secretary; Governor Paul Cellucci Paul Cellucci of Ma.s.sachusetts, who served as my amba.s.sador to Canada; and Governor of Ma.s.sachusetts, who served as my amba.s.sador to Canada; and Governor Marc Racicot Marc Racicot of Montana, who led the Republican National Committee from 2002 to 2003. of Montana, who led the Republican National Committee from 2002 to 2003.

**Abdullah had ruled Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia as regent since his half-brother, King Fahd, suffered an incapacitating stroke in 1995. as regent since his half-brother, King Fahd, suffered an incapacitating stroke in 1995.

r. President, we are witnessing a financial panic."

Those were troubling words coming from Ben Bernanke Ben Bernanke, the mild-mannered chairman of the Federal Reserve, who was seated across from me in the Roosevelt Room. Over the previous two weeks, the government had seized Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, two giant housing ent.i.ties. Lehman Brothers Lehman Brothers had filed the largest bankruptcy in American history. had filed the largest bankruptcy in American history. Merrill Lynch Merrill Lynch had been sold under duress. The Fed had granted an $85 billion loan to save AIG. Now Wachovia and Washington Mutual were teetering on the brink of collapse. had been sold under duress. The Fed had granted an $85 billion loan to save AIG. Now Wachovia and Washington Mutual were teetering on the brink of collapse.

With so much turbulence in financial inst.i.tutions, credit markets had seized up. Consumers couldn't get loans for homes or cars. Small businesses couldn't borrow to finance their operations. The stock market had taken its steepest plunge since the first day of trading after 9/11.

As we sat beneath the oil painting of Teddy Roosevelt charging on horseback, we all knew America was facing its most dire economic challenge in decades.

I turned to the Rough Rider of my financial team, Secretary of the Treasury Hank Paulson Hank Paulson, a natural leader with decades of experience in international finance.

"The situation is extraordinarily serious," Hank said. He and the team briefed me on three measures to stem the crisis. First, the Treasury would guarantee all $3.5 trillion in money market mutual funds, which were facing depositor runs. Second, the Fed would launch a program to unfreeze the market for commercial paper, a key source of financing for businesses across the country. Third, the Securities and Exchange Commission would issue a rule temporarily preventing the short-selling of financial stocks. "These are dramatic steps," Hank said, "but America's financial system is at stake."

He outlined an even bolder proposal. "We need broad authority to buy mortgage-backed securities," he said. Those complex financial a.s.sets had lost value when the housing bubble burst, imperiling the balance sheets of financial firms around the world. Hank recommended that we ask Congress for hundreds of billions to buy up these toxic a.s.sets and restore confidence in the banking system.

"Is this the worst crisis since the Great Depression?" I asked.

"Yes," Ben replied. "In terms of the financial system, we have not seen anything like this since the 1930s, and it could get worse."

His answer clarified the decision I faced: Did I want to be the president overseeing an economic calamity that could be worse than the Great Depression?

I was furious the situation had reached this point. A relatively small group of people-many on Wall Street, some not-had gambled that the housing market would keep booming forever. It didn't. In a normal environment, the free market would render its judgment and they could fail. I would have been happy to let them do so.

But this was not a normal environment. The market had ceased to function. And as Ben had explained, the consequences of inaction would be catastrophic. As unfair as it was to use the American people's money to prevent a collapse for which they weren't responsible, it would be even more unfair to do nothing and leave them to suffer the consequences.

"Get to work," I said, approving Hank's plan in full. "We are going to solve this."

I adjourned the meeting and walked across the hallway to the Oval Office. Josh Bolten Josh Bolten, Counselor Ed Gillespie Ed Gillespie, and Dana Perino Dana Perino, my talented and effective press secretary, followed me in. Ben's historical comparison was still echoing in my mind.

"If we're really looking at another Great Depression," I said, "you can be d.a.m.n sure I'm going to be Roosevelt, not Hoover."