GENERAL JOHN POPE, First Commander of Third Military District.

GENERAL GEORGE G. MEADE (in field uniform), Commander of Third Military District.]

The Georgia people were evidently so bad that they caused a change in his former favorable opinion of the people in general, or rather of the whites, for in a letter to Grant, July 24, 1867, we find a frank expression of his sentiments in regard to Reconstruction. He thought the disfranchising clauses were among the wisest provisions of the Reconstruction Acts; that the leading rebels should have been forced to leave the country and stay away; that all the old official cla.s.s was opposed to Reconstruction and was sure to prevail unless kept disfranchised; that it was better to have incompetent loyal men in office than rebels of ability,--in fact, the greater the ability the greater the danger; that in order to retain the fruits of reconstruction the old leaders must be put beyond the power of returning to influence. He had by this time evidently become somewhat disgusted with the reconstructionists, for he intimated that none of the whites were fit for self-government, and was strongly of the opinion that, in a few years, intelligence and education would be transferred from the whites to the negroes. He predicted ten thousand majority for Reconstruction in Alabama, but thought that in case Reconstruction succeeded in the elections, some measures would have to be taken to free the country of the turbulent and disloyal leaders of the reactionary party, or there would be no peace.[1271]

Control of the Civil Government

Pope instructed the post commanders in Alabama to report to headquarters any failures of civil tribunals to administer the laws in accordance with the Civil Rights Bill or the recent acts of Congress. They were, above all, to watch for discrimination on account of color, race, or political opinion. While not interfering with the functions of civil officers, they were instructed to give particular attention to the manner in which such functions were discharged.[1272] Civil officials were warned that the prohibition against their using influence against Reconstruction would be stringently enforced. They were not to give verbal or written advice to individuals, committees, or the public unless in favor of Reconstruction.

Officials who violated this prohibition were to be removed from office and held accountable as the case demanded.[1273] District and post commanders were ordered to report to Pope all state, county, or munic.i.p.al officials who were "disloyal" to the government of the United States, or who used their influence to "hinder, delay, prevent, or obstruct the due and proper administration of the acts of Congress."[1274] Later, Grant and Pope decided that the paroles of soldiers were still in force and that any attempt to "prevent the settlement of the southern question would be a violation of parole."[1275]

In May, Pope issued orders informing the officials of Alabama of their proper status. There was no legal government in Alabama, they were told, and Congress had declared that no adequate protection for life and property existed. The military authorities were warned that upon them rested the final responsibility for peace and security. Consequently when necessary they were to supersede the civil officials. In towns, the mayor and chief of police were required to be present at every public meeting, with sufficient force to render disturbance impossible. It would be no excuse not to know of a meeting or not to apprehend trouble. Outside of towns, the sheriff or one of his deputies was to be present at such gatherings, and in case of trouble was to summon a posse from the crowd, but must not summon officers of the meeting or the speakers. It was declared the duty of civil officials to preserve peace, and a.s.sure rights and privileges to all persons who desired to hold public meetings. In case of disturbance, if it could not be shown that the civil officials did their full duty, they would be deposed and held responsible by the military authorities. When the civil authorities asked for it, the commanders of troops were to furnish detachments to be present at political meetings and prevent disturbance. The commanding officers were to keep themselves informed in regard to political meetings and hold themselves ready for immediate action.[1276]

From the beginning, Pope, supported and advised by General Swayne, pursued extreme measures. There were soon many complaints of his arbitrary conduct. In his correspondence with General Grant he complained of the att.i.tude of the Washington administration toward his acts, and largely to support Pope (and Sheridan in the Fifth District), Congress pa.s.sed the act of July 19, 1867, which was the last of the Reconstruction Acts, so far as Alabama was concerned. This law declared that the civil governments were not legal state governments and were, if continued, to be subject absolutely to the military commanders and to the paramount authority of Congress. The commander of the district was declared to have full power, subject only to the disapproval of General Grant, to remove or suspend officers of the civil government and appoint others in their places.

General Grant was vested with full power of removal, suspension, and appointment. It was made the duty of the commander to remove from office all who opposed Reconstruction.[1277] Pope had already been making use of the most extreme powers, and the only effect of the act was to approve his course. Pope gave the laws a very broad interpretation, believing that Reconstruction should be thoroughly done in order to leave no room for future trouble and embarra.s.sment. Grant, on August 3, wrote to him[1278]

approving his sentiments, and went on to say: "It is certainly the duty of the district commander to study what the framers of the Reconstruction laws wanted to express, as much as what they do express, and to execute the law according to that interpretation."[1279] This was certainly a unique method of interpretation and would justify any possible a.s.sumption of power.

There had been several instances of prosecution by state authorities of soldiers and officials for acts which they claimed were done under military authority. Pope disposed of this question by ordering the civil courts to entertain no action against any person for acts performed in accordance with military orders or by sanction of the military authority.

Suits then pending were dismissed. The military authorities were to enforce the order strictly and report all officials who might disobey.[1280] A few weeks later a decree went forth that all jurors should be chosen from the lists of voters registered under the acts of Congress. They must be chosen without discrimination in regard to color, and each juror must take an oath that he was a registered voter. Those who could not take the oath were to be replaced by those who could.[1281]

So much for the general regulation and supervision of the civil authorities by the army. There were but a few hundred troops intrusted with the execution of these regulations, which were, of course, enforced only spasmodically. The more prominent officials were closely watched, but the only effect in country districts was to destroy all government. Many judges, while willing to have their jurors drawn from the voting lists, refused to accept ignorant negroes on them, or to order the selection of mixed juries, and many courts were closed by military authority. Judge Wood, of the city court of Selma, had a jury drawn of whites. A military commission, sitting in Selma, refused to allow cases to be tried unless negroes were on the jury. Pope's order was construed as requiring negroes on each jury, and he so meant it.[1282] Later, he published an order requiring jurors to take the "test oath," which would practically exclude all the whites.[1283] Prisoners confined in jail under sentence by jurors drawn under the old laws were liberated by the army officers or by Freedmen's Bureau officials. Twice in the month of December, 1867, there were jail deliveries by military authorities in Greene County.[1284]

Within the first month Pope began to remove civil officials and appoint others. Mayor Joseph H. Sloss of Tusc.u.mbia was the first to go. Pope alleged that the election had not been conducted in accordance with the acts of Congress and forthwith appointed a new mayor. No complaint had been made, the removal being caused by outside influence.[1285] At this election, negroes for the first time in Alabama had voted under the Reconstruction Acts. Sloss had received two-thirds of all votes cast.

Evidently the blacks had been controlled by the whites, which was contrary to the spirit of the Reconstruction.

Immediately after a riot in Mobile[1286] following an incendiary speech by "Pig Iron" Kelly of Pennsylvania, one of the visiting orators, Colonel Shepherd of the Fifteenth Infantry a.s.sumed command of the city. The police were suspended. Breach of the peace was punished by the military authorities. Out-of-door congregations after nightfall were prohibited.

Notice of public meetings had to be given to the acting mayor in time to have a force on hand to preserve the peace. The publication of incendiary articles in the newspapers was forbidden. The provost guard was directed to seize all large firearms in the possession of improper persons and to search suspected persons for small arms. The special police, when appointed, were ordered to restrict their duties to enforcing the city ordinances. All offences against military ordinances would be attended to by the military authorities. A later order prohibited the carrying of large firearms without special permission. Deposits of such arms were seized.[1287]

Pope declared all offices vacant in Mobile and filled them anew,[1288] in the face of a report by Swayne that reasonable precautions had been taken to prevent disorder. The blame for this action of Pope's fell upon Swayne, who had to carry out the orders. The officers appointed by Pope refused to accept office, and then he seems to have offered to reappoint the old officials, and they declined. Thereupon he lost his temper and directed Swayne to fill the vacancies in the city government of Mobile "from that large cla.s.s of citizens who have heretofore been denied the right of suffrage and partic.i.p.ation in munic.i.p.al affairs and whose patriotism will prevent them from following this disloyal example." He was referring to the refusal of the former members of the city government to accept reappointment after suspension, and meant that negroes should now be appointed. Swayne offered positions to some of the most respected and influential negroes, who declined, saying that they preferred white officials. Negro policemen were appointed.[1289] In October a case came up in Mobile which caused much irritation. The negro policemen were troublesome and insolent, and one day a little child ran out into the street in front of a team driven by a negro, who paid no attention to the mother's call to him to stop his horses. Some one s.n.a.t.c.hed the baby from under the heels of the horses, and the scared and angry mother relieved her feelings by calling the driver a "black rascal." The negro policemen came to her house, arrested her, and with great brutality dragged her from the house and along the street. Another woman asked the negroes if they had a warrant for the arrest of the first woman. She was answered by the polite query, "What the h.e.l.l is it your business?" Mayor Horton, Pope's appointee, fined the woman ten dollars[1290]--for violation of the Civil Rights Bill, it is to be presumed, since that was considered to cover most things pertaining to negroes.

This Mayor Horton had a high opinion of his prerogatives as military mayor of Mobile. The _Mobile Tribune_ had been publishing criticisms on his administration and also of Mr. Bromberg, one of his political brethren.

Archie Johnson, a crippled, half-witted negro newsboy, was, it is said, hired to follow the mayor about, selling his _Tribune_ papers, much to the annoyance of Mayor Horton. On one occasion Archie cried, "Here's yer _Mobile Tribune_, wid all about Mayor Horton and his Bromberg rats." This was too much for the military mayor, and, considering the offence as one against the Civil Rights Bill, he sentenced the negro to banishment to New Orleans. Archie soon returned and was again exiled by the mayor. Here was an opportunity for the people to get even with Horton, and suit was brought in the Federal court before Busteed, who was now somewhat out with his party. Horton was fined for violation of the Civil Rights Bill.[1291]

Many officials were removed and many appointments made by Pope. His removals and appointments included mayors, chiefs of police, tax a.s.sessors and collectors, school trustees, county commissioners, justices of the peace, sheriffs, judges, clerks of courts, bailiffs, constables, city clerks, solicitors, superintendents of schools, aldermen, common councils, and all the officials of Jones and Colbert counties.[1292] Pope was roundly abused by the newspapers and by the people for making so many changes. I have been unable to find, however, the names of more than thirty-four officials of any consequence who were removed by Pope. He made 224 appointments to such offices, besides minor ones. A clean sweep of all officials from mayor to policemen was made in Mobile and again in Selma.

Most vacancies were caused by expiration of term of office or by forced resignation.[1293]

As there was need of money to pay the expense of the convention soon to a.s.semble, and as the taxpayers were beginning to understand for what purposes their money was to be used and were in many instances refusing to pay, Pope issued an order to the post and detachment commanders directing them to furnish military aid to state tax-collectors.[1294] The bitterest reconstructionists were heartily in favor of aid to the tax-collecting branch of the "rebel" administration. They needed money to carry out their plans. When the terms of the tax-collectors expired, they were ordered to continue in office until their successors were duly elected and qualified,[1295] which, of course, meant to continue the present administration until the reconstructed government should take charge. Pope was very careful not to allow the civil government to spend any of the money coming in from taxes. He said that he thought it proper to prohibit the state treasurer from paying out money for the support of families of deceased Confederate soldiers, for wooden legs for Confederate soldiers, etc., since the convention soon to meet would probably not approve expenditure for such purposes.[1296] Later the treasurer was ordered to pay the _per diem_ of the delegates and the expenses of the convention, though Pope expressed doubt, for once, of his authority in the matter.[1297]

General Swayne, at Montgomery, who had long been at the head of the Freedmen's Bureau in the state and also military commander of the District of Alabama since June 1, 1866, found himself relegated to a somewhat subordinate position after Pope a.s.sumed command in the Third District. The latter took charge of everything. If a negro policeman were to be appointed in Mobile, Pope made the appointment and issued the order. Nor did he always send his orders to Swayne to be republished. In consequence, Swayne dropped out of the records somewhat, but he had to bear much of the blame that should have fallen on Pope, though he was in full sympathy with the views of the latter. He was, however, a man of much more ability than Pope, of sounder judgment, and had had legal training. Consequently, Pope relied much upon him for advice in the many knotty questions that came up, often coming from Atlanta to Montgomery to see Swayne, and as a rule none of his well-known proclamations were ever issued when under the latter's influence. The orders written for him or outlined by Swayne were stringent, of course, but clear, short, and to the point. Pope's own masterpieces were long, rhetorical, and bl.u.s.tering. His favorite valedictory at the end of an order was a threat of martial law and military commissions.

General Swayne was still at the head of the Freedmen's Bureau, and in this capacity he made his authority felt. In April, 1867, he ordered probate judges to revise former actions in apprenticing minors to former owners and to revoke all indentures made since the war if the minors were able to support themselves. Though the vagrancy law had never been enforced and had been repealed by the legislature, he declared its suspension. The chain-gang system was abolished, except in connection with the penitentiary.[1298] In the fall, in order to secure pay for negro laborers, he ordered a lien on the crops grown on the farm where they were employed. This lien was to attach from date of order and to have preference over former liens.[1299]

Pope and the Newspapers

When Pope first a.s.sumed command, it was reported that the conservative papers were, at the worst, not hostile to him;[1300] but within a few weeks he had aroused their hostility and the battle was joined. Pope believed that the papers had much to do with inciting hostility against the visiting orators from the North, resulting in such disturbances as the Kelly riot in Mobile. Consequently, instructions were issued prohibiting the publication of articles tending to incite to riot. This order was aimed at the conservative press. No one except the negroes paid much attention to the Radical press. However, after the Mobile trouble the military commander was somewhat nervous and wanted to prevent future troubles. The negroes, now much excited by the campaign, were supposed to be much influenced by the violent articles appearing in the Radical paper of Mobile,--the _National_. On May 30 an article was printed in that paper instructing the freedmen when, where, and how to use firearms. It went on to state: "Do not, on future occasions [like the Kelly riot], waste a single shot until you see your enemy, be sure he is your enemy, never waste ammunition, don't shoot until necessary, and then be sure to shoot your enemy. Don't fire into the air." Fearing the effect upon the negroes of such advice, the commanding officer at Mobile suppressed the edition of May 30, and prohibited future publication unless the proof should first be submitted to the commandant according to the regulations of May 19, issued by Pope. Instead of approving the action of the Mobile officer, Pope strongly disapproved of and revoked his orders. The Mobile commander was informed that it was the duty of the military authorities, not to restrict, but to secure, the utmost freedom of speech. No officers or soldiers should interfere with newspapers or speakers on any pretext whatever. "No satisfactory execution of the late acts of Congress is practicable unless this freedom is secured and its exercise protected,"

Pope said. However, "treasonable utterances" were not to be regarded as the legitimate exercise of the freedom of discussion.[1301]

The conservative papers managed to keep within bounds, and Pope was unable to harm them. Finally he decided to strike at them through the official patronage. By the famous General Order No. 49,[1302] he stated that he was convinced that the civil officials were obeying former instructions[1303]

only so far as their personal conversation was concerned, and were using their official patronage to encourage newspapers which opposed reconstruction and embarra.s.sed civil officials appointed by military authority by denunciations and threats of future punishment. Such use of patronage was p.r.o.nounced an evasion of former orders and an employment of the machinery of the state government to defeat the execution of the Reconstruction Acts. Therefore it was ordered that official advertising and official printing be given to those newspapers which had not opposed and did not then oppose Reconstruction or embarra.s.s officials by threats of violence and of prosecution as soon as the troops were withdrawn.[1304]

This order affected nearly every newspaper in the state. There were sixty-two counties, and each had public printing and advertising. On an average, at least one paper for each county was touched in the exchequer, and as Pope reported, "a hideous outcry" arose from the press of the state.[1305] There were only five or six Reconstruction papers in the state, and a modification of the order in practice was absolutely necessary. Pope was so roundly abused by the newspapers, North and South, and especially in Alabama and Georgia, that he seems to have been affected by it. He endeavored to explain away the order by saying that it related only to military officials and not to civil officials. He did not say that in the order, though he may have meant it, and was now using the remarkable method of interpretation suggested to him by Grant in regard to the Reconstruction Acts. Several accounts of newspapers for public advertis.e.m.e.nts were held up and payments disallowed. The best-known of these papers were the _Selma Times_ and the _Eutaw Whig and Observer_.[1306] The order was strictly enforced until General Meade a.s.sumed command of the Third Military District.

Trials by Military Commissions

The newspapers state that many arrests of citizens were made by military authorities, and in the spring of 1868 they generally remarked that the jails were filled with prisoners thus arrested who were still awaiting trial. Most of these were probably arrested under the Pope regime, since Meade, his successor, was not so extreme. However, Pope, in spite of his threats, had but few persons tried by military commissions. D. C. Ballard was convicted of pretending to be a United States detective and of stealing ninety-five bales of cotton, and was sentenced to eight years'

imprisonment.[1307] One David J. Files was arrested for inciting the Kelly riot at Mobile. Pope said that he was the chief offender and had him imprisoned at Fort Morgan until he could be tried by a military commission. He was fined $100.[1308] William A. Castleberry was convicted by a military commission, fined $200, and imprisoned for one year for purchasing stolen property and for a.s.sisting a deserter to escape. Jesse Hays, a justice of the peace in Monroe County, was sentenced to five months' imprisonment and fined $100 for prescribing a punishment for a negro that could not be prescribed for a white, that is, fifty lashes.

Matthew Anderson and John Middleton, who were tried for carrying out the sentence imposed on the negro, were acquitted.[1309] These are all the cases that I have been able to find of trial of civilians by military commission under Pope. In one case there was a direct interference by Pope with the administration of justice. Daniel and James Cash had been indicted in Macon County for murder and had made bond. They were later indicted and arrested in Bullock County. Pope ordered that they be released and that all civil officials let them alone.[1310]

Registration and Disfranchis.e.m.e.nt

But the prime object of Pope's administration was not merely to carry on the government in his military province, but to see that the Reconstruction was rushed through in the shortest possible time and in the most thorough manner, according to the intentions of the Congressional leaders as he understood them. As already stated, he had very clear ideas of what should be done, and from the first was hampered by no few doubts as to the limits of his power. The Reconstruction laws were given the broadest interpretation. In the liberal interpretation of his powers Pope was equalled only by Sheridan in the Fifth District.

A week after his arrival in Montgomery Pope directed Swayne to divide the state into registration districts. Army officers were to be used as registrars only when no civilians could be obtained. General supervisors were to look after the working of the registration, and there was to be a general inspector at headquarters. Violence or threats of violence against registration officials would be punished by military commission.[1311] May 21, 1867, the state was divided into forty-two (later forty-four) registration districts, so arranged as to make the most effective use of the black vote.[1312] A board of registration for each district was appointed, each board consisting of two whites and one negro. Since each had to take the "iron-clad" test oath, practically all native whites were excluded, those who were on the lists being men of doubtful character and no ability. There were numbers of northerners. For most of the districts the white registrars had to be imported. It is not saying much for the negro members to say that they were much the more respectable part of the boards of registration.[1313] Again it was stated that in order to secure full registration, the compensation would be fixed at so much for each voter--fifteen to forty cents, the price varying according to density of population. Five to ten cents mileage was paid in order to enable the registrars to hunt up voters. They were directed to inform the negroes what their political rights were and how necessary it was for them to exercise those rights. Voters were to be registered in each precinct, and later, in order to register those missed the first time, the board was to sit, after due notice, for three days at each county seat. Any kind of interference with registration, by threats or by contracts depriving laborers of pay, was to be punished by military commission. The right of every voter under the acts of Congress to register and to vote was guaranteed by the military. In case of disturbance the registrars were to call upon the civil officials or upon the nearest military authorities. If the former refused or failed to protect the registration, they were to be punished by a military commission.[1314] May 1, Colonel James F. Meline was appointed inspector of registration for the Third Military District,[1315] and William H. Smith was appointed general supervisor for Alabama.[1316] Boards of registration were authorized to report cases of civil officials using their influence against reconstruction.[1317] When a voter wished to remove from his precinct after registration, he was to be given a certificate which would enable him to vote anywhere in the state.

If he should lose this certificate, his own affidavit before any civil or military official would suffice to obtain a new certificate.[1318]

On June 1, Pope issued pamphlets containing instructions to registrars which were especially definite as to those former state officials who should be excluded from registration. The list of those who were to be disfranchised included every one who had ever been a state, county, or town official and later aided the Confederacy;[1319] former members of the United States Congress, former United States officials, civil and military, members of state legislatures and of the convention of 1861; all officials of state, counties, and towns during the war; and finally judicial or administrative officials not named elsewhere.[1320] The records fail to show that any officials were not excluded from registration except the keepers of poorhouses, coroners, and health officers. Instructions issued later practically repeated the first instructions and added former officials of the Confederate States to the list of disfranchised. The registrars were reminded to enforce the disfranchising clauses of the acts both as to voters and candidates.[1321]

The stringent regulations of Pope caused much bitter comment, and the Washington administration was besought to revoke them. Complaints were coming in from other districts, and on June 18, 1867, at a Cabinet meeting, the questions in controversy were brought up point by point, and the Cabinet pa.s.sed its opinion on them. A strict interpretation of the Reconstruction Acts was arrived at, which was much more favorable toward the southern people. Stanton alone voted against all interpretation favorable to the South. The interpretation of the acts thus obtained was issued as a circular, the opinion of the Attorney-General, through the War Department and sent to the district commanders on June 20.[1322] As soon as Pope received a copy of the opinion of the Attorney-General he wrote to Grant protesting against the enforcement of the opinion as an order, so far as it related to registration. If enforced, his instructions to registrars would have to be revoked. According to all rules of military obedience, it was his duty to consider the instructions sent him through the adjutant-general's office as binding, though in this case the instructions were not in the technical form of an order, but he expressed doubt if they were to be considered as an order to him. Grant telegraphed to him to enforce his own construction of the acts until ordered to do otherwise.[1323]

In order to remove all doubt in the matter, Congress, in the act of July 19, 1867, sustained Pope's interpretation of the acts and made it law. The construction placed upon the laws by the Cabinet was repudiated, and officers acting under the Reconstruction Acts were not to consider themselves bound by the opinion of any civil officer of the United States.[1324] This was aimed at the Attorney-General and the Cabinet. The law also gave the registrars full judicial powers to investigate the records of those who applied for registration. Witnesses might be examined touching the qualifications of voters. The boards were empowered to revise the lists of voters and to add to or strike from it such names as they thought ought to be added or removed. No pardon or amnesty by the President was to avail to remove disability.[1325]

The Elections and the Convention

After the pa.s.sage of this law it was smooth sailing for Pope. Registration went on with such success that on August 31 he was induced to order an election to be held on October 1 to 4, for the choice of delegates to a convention, and an apportionment of delegates among the various districts was made at the same time. In the distribution the black counties were favored at the expense of the white counties.[1326]

The work of the registrars was thoroughly done. The negro enrolment was enormous; the white enrolment was small. The registration of voters before the elections was: whites, 61,295; blacks, 104,518; total, 165,813.[1327]

For the convention and for delegates 90,283 votes were cast. Of these 18,553 were those of whites, and 71,730 were negro votes. Against holding a convention, 5583 white votes were cast, and 69,947 registered voters failed to vote--37,159 whites and 32,788 blacks.[1328] The names of the delegates chosen were published in general orders, and the convention was ordered to meet in Montgomery on November 5.[1329] During the session of the convention Pope took a rest from his labors and spent some time in Montgomery. He was a great favorite with the reconstructionists and was accorded special honors by the convention. But he did not think as highly of reconstructionists as when he first a.s.sumed command, and the antics of the "Black Crook" convention made him nervous. After a month's session he was glad to see it disband.[1330]

One of the last important acts of Pope's administration was to order an election for February 4 and 5, 1868, when the const.i.tution should be submitted for ratification or rejection, and when by his advice candidates for all offices were to be voted for. Two weeks beforehand the registrars were to revise their lists, adding or striking off such names as they saw fit. Polls were to be opened at such places as the board saw fit. Any voter might vote in any place to which he had removed by making affidavit before the board that he was registered and had not voted before.[1331]

Removal of Pope and Swayne

Both Pope and Swayne had been charged with being desirous of representing the states of the Third Military District in the United States Senate.

Pope had made himself obnoxious to the President, and the white people of Alabama and Georgia were demanding his removal. So, on December 28, 1867, an order was issued by the President, relieving Pope and placing General Meade in command of the Third Military District. General Swayne was at the same time ordered to rejoin his regiment,[1332] and a few days later his place was taken by General Julius Hayden.[1333] The whites were greatly relieved and much pleased by the removal of both Pope and Swayne. The former had become obnoxious on account of the extreme measures he had taken in carrying out the Reconstruction Acts, on account of his irritating proclamations, his att.i.tude toward the press, etc. General Swayne had long enjoyed the confidence of the best men. His influence over the negroes was supreme, and had been used to promote friendly relations between the races. But as soon as the Reconstruction was taken charge of by Congress and party lines were drawn, all his influence, personal and official, was given to building up a Radical party in the state and to securing the negroes for that party. He was high in the councils of the Union League and controlled the conventions of the party. The change of rulers is said to have had a tranquillizing effect on disturbed conditions in Alabama.[1334] But the people of Alabama would have been pleased with no human being as military governor invested with absolute power.

SEC. 2. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GENERAL MEADE

Registration and Elections

On January 6, 1868, General Meade arrived in Atlanta and a.s.sumed command of the Third Military District.[1335] His first and most important duty was to complete the military registration of voters, and hold the election for ratification of the const.i.tution and for the choice of officials under it. Registration had been going on regularly since the summer of 1867, and after the convention had adjourned there was a rush of whites to register in order to defeat the const.i.tution by refraining from voting on it. As the time for the election drew near the friends of the Reconstruction, much alarmed at the tactics of the Conservative party, brought pressure to bear upon Grant, who suggested to Meade that an extension of time be made.

Consequently, the time for the election was extended from two to five days in order to enable the remotest negro to be found and brought to the polls. At the same time the number of voting places was limited to three in each county,[1336] in order to lessen the influence of the whites over the blacks.

General Meade was opposed to holding the election for state officials at the same time with that on ratification of the const.i.tution. He thought it would be difficult to secure the adoption of the const.i.tution on account of the proscriptive clauses in it, but in his opinion the candidates[1337] nominated by the convention were even more obnoxious to the people than the const.i.tution, and many would refrain from voting on that account. Swayne, who seems to have still been in Montgomery, admitted the force of the objection, but Grant objected to any change until too late to make other arrangements.[1338]