The meeting, under these circ.u.mstances, was doubly joyous. After mutual congratulations, he was informed by Major Richard that "he was cast away before he could get to St. Augustine; that part of the baggage was lost; but the boat and men saved. That, having scrambled through the breakers, and walked some leagues through the sands, they were met by Don Pedro Lamberto, a Captain of the horse, and by him conducted to the Governor, who received them with great civility; and that the reason of his long stay was to get the boat repaired." He brought letters from Don Francisco del Morale Sanchez, Captain General of Florida, and Governor of St. Augustine. These commenced with compliments, thanking him for the letters brought by Charles Dempsey, Esq. and Major Richard; which, however, were followed by complaints that the Creek Indians had a.s.saulted and driven away the Spanish settlers on the borders of the St. Mattheo,[1] and intimations of displeasure at the threatening appearance of the forts which he was erecting, and forces which manned them. Major Richard said that the Governor expected an answer in three weeks, and desired him to bring it. He added, that despatches had been sent to the Havana to apprize the Government of the arrival of the new settlers, and of the position which they had taken.

[Footnote 1: The St. John's.]

"The same day they returned toward St. Andrew's; but not having depth of water enough through the narrows of Amelia, the scout-boats were obliged to halt there; but the Indians advanced to the south end of c.u.mberland, where they hunted, and carried venison to St. Andrews."

By the directions and encouragements of the General, the works at St.

Simons were carried on with such expedition, that, by the middle of April, the fort, which was a regular work of tabby, a composition of oyster sh.e.l.ls and lime, was finished; and thirty-seven palmetto houses were put up, in which all the people might be sheltered till they could build better.

About the centre of the west end of the island, a town was laid out, which he called FREDERICA, with wide streets, crossing each other at right angles. These were afterwards skirted with rows of orange trees.

The ground being properly divided, "the people, who had now all arrived, having been brought in a little fleet of periaguas, were put in possession of their respective lots, on the 19th of April, in order that each man might begin to build and improve for himself. But the houses that had been built, and the fields that had been tilled and sown, were, as yet, to be in common for the public benefit."

At the south end of the island he caused to be erected a strong battery, called Fort St. Simons, commanding the entrance to Jekyl sound; and a camp of barracks and some huts.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Map of the Coast, Sea-Islands and early settlements of Georgia.]

In point of situation, a better place for a town, a fortress, and a harbor, could hardly be wished in that part of the country; lying, as it does, at the mouth of a very fine river. The surface of the island was covered with oak and hickory trees, intermixed with meadows and old Indian fields; the soil was rich and fertile, and in all places, where they tried, they found fresh water within nine feet of the surface.[1]

[Footnote 1: See "_History of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Colony of Georgia_," in Harris's _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, Vol. II. p. 330, 2d ed. Lond. 1764. The best history, up to the date of publication, extant.]

On the 25th, Oglethorpe and his men, and Major Richard and his attendants, got back to Frederica. On the next day the Indians arrived, the purpose of whose intended visit had been announced by Tomo Chichi. Having encamped by themselves near the town, they prepared for a dance; to which Oglethorpe went with all his people.

"They made a ring, in the middle of which four sat down, having little drums, made of kettles, covered with deer skins, upon which they beat, and sung. Round these the others danced, being naked to their waists, and having round their middle many trinkets tied with skins; and some had the tails of beasts hanging down behind them. They had painted their faces and bodies; and their hair was stuck with feathers. In one hand they had a rattle, in the other the feathers of an eagle made up like the caduceus of Mercury; they shook there plumes and the rattle, and danced round the ring with high bounds and antic postures, looking much like the figures of the Satyrs.

"They showed great activity, and kept just time in their motions; and at certain times answered, by way of chorus, to those that sat in the middle of the ring. They stopt; and then one of the chief warriors stood out, who sang what wars he had been in, and described by motions as well as by words, which way he had vanquished the enemies of his country. When he had done, all the rest gave a shout of approbation, as knowing what he said to be true."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE.]

The Indian Mico then explained the object of their emba.s.sy in a long speech. After this, an alliance was concluded, and presents exchanged; which consisted, on the part of the Indians, of dressed skins; and, on that of Oglethorpe, of guns, red and blue cloth, powder, bullets, knives, and small whetstones; and, among the women he distributed linen and woolen garments, ear-rings, chains, beads, &c.

This business being despatched, the General called the freemen together, and communicated to them the contents of the letters which he had received from the Governor of St. Augustine; and this he did to prevent the ill impression that vague conjecture and idle reports might occasion, and then, in compliance with the requisition of the Governor of St. Augustine that hostile intrusion on the Spanish settlements might be prevented, he immediately fitted out a periagua and the marine boat, with men and provisions for three months; together with arms, ammunition, and tools, to sail to the southward, and cruise along the English side of the St. John's, in order to detect and prevent any lawless persons from sheltering themselves there, and thence molesting his Catholic Majesty's subjects, and to restrain the Indians.

This expedition was conducted by Captain Hermsdorff, who was to leave Major Richard and Mr. Horton his attendant, at some place on the Florida sh.o.r.e, whence they could proceed to St. Augustine to wait on the Governor with the despatches. The purport of these was to acquaint him, that, "being greatly desirous to remove all occasions of uneasiness upon the frequent complaints by his Excellency of hostile incursions upon the Spanish dominions, armed boats had been sent to patrol the opposite borders of the river, and prevent all pa.s.sing over by Indians or marauders. The gentlemen were also directed to render him the thanks of General Oglethorpe for his civilities, and to express his inclination for maintaining a good harmony between the subjects of both crowns."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Voyage_, p. 79.]

On the 22d of May, 1736, a respectable deputation of the Uchee Indians, from the neighborhood of Ebenezer, waited upon the General at St. Simons. They had painted themselves with various colors, and were dressed in their richest costume. Being introduced to him in the large apartment of the magazine store, the Indian King made a long speech; after which an alliance was entered into, and pledge presents interchanged.[1] This treaty was a very important one, because the Uchees claimed the country above Augusta to the border of the Creeks, and a portion below adjoining the Yamacraws; because they were an independent tribe, having no alliance with the others; and because they had been a little dissatisfied with the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer.

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. 844, and Appendix No. XIX.]

On the first of June intelligence was received that Major Richard and Mr. Horton, instead of being received as commissioned delegates, had been arrested and made prisoners at St. Augustine. Not explaining to the satisfaction of the Governor and his Council the situation of the forts and the design of the military force that was stationed in them, they were detained in custody, till Don Ignatio Rosso, Lieutenant Colonel of the garrison, with a detachment of men had made personal investigations; who, after an absence of five days, returned and reported that the islands were all fortified, and appeared to be filled with men; and that the sh.o.r.es were protected by armed boats. A council of war was then held, and it was resolved to send back Major Richard and Mr. Horton, and their suit, and with them an emba.s.sy, consisting of Charles Dempsey, Esq., Don Pedro Lamberto, Captain of the Horse, and Don Manuel D'Arcy, Adjutant of the garrison, with intimations that this formidable array was unnecessary. By private information, however, Oglethorpe was led to infer that, notwithstanding the fair professions that had been made by the Spaniards, there were evidently measures concerted to increase their forces, to procure guns and ammunition, and to arm the Florida Indians.[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Voyage_, p. 79.]

In consequence of these and other indications that the Spaniards were commencing preparations for dislodging the English settlers, the General took all possible precautionary measures for repelling them.

The fort and works on St. Simons were completed in the best manner, and a battery was erected on the east point of the island, which projects into the ocean. This commanded the entrance of Jekyl sound in such manner that all ships that come in at this north entry must pa.s.s within shot of the point, the channel lying directly under it.

St. Andrew's fort, on c.u.mberland Island, with its munition of ordnance and garrison of well-disciplined soldiers, was much relied upon as a mean of defence; and even the outpost at St. George's, on the north side and near the mouth of St. John's river, was deemed of no inconsiderable importance as a check, at least, upon any attempted invasion by the Spaniards, and as serving to prevent their going through the inner pa.s.sages.

In the month of July the General visited Savannah, to attend to affairs there, and to hold a conference with a Committee of the General a.s.sembly of South Carolina respecting the Indian trade, which they charged him with aiming to monopolize, to the disallowance of their traders.

It may be necessary here to state, that, as the boundaries of Georgia separated the Indians on the west side of the Savannah river from the confines of South Carolina, they must be admitted as in affinity with the new Colony. At any rate, Oglethorpe deemed it so expedient to obtain their consent to the settlement of his people, and their good will was so essential to a secure and peaceful residence, that his earliest care had been to make treaties of alliance with them. That these treaties should include agreements for mutual intercourse and trade, seemed to be, not only a prudential, but an indispensable provision; particularly as Tomo Chichi and the Micos of the Creeks, who went with him to England, had requested that some stipulations might be made relative to the quant.i.ty, quality, and prices of goods, and to the accuracy of weights and measures, in what was offered for the purchase of their buffalo hides, and deer-skins and peltry.[1]

Whereupon the Trustees proposed certain regulations of trade, designed to prevent in future those impositions of which the Indians complained. To carry these into effect, it was thought right that none should be permitted to trade with the Indians but such as had a license, and would agree to conduct the traffic upon fair and equitable principles. The Carolina traders, not being disposed to apply for a permit, nor to subject themselves to such stipulations and restrictions, were disallowed by the Georgia Commissary, who held a trading house among the Creeks.[2] This was resented by them, and their complaints to the Provincial a.s.sembly led to the appointment of the Committee just referred to, and whose conference with Oglethorpe was held at Savannah on the 2d of August, 1736.[3] In their printed report they lay down these fundamental principles. "The Cherokee, Creek, Chickasaw, and Catawba Indians, at the time of the discovery of this part of America, were the inhabitants of the lands which they now possess, and have ever since been deemed and esteemed the friends and allies of his Majesty's English subjects in this part of the Continent. They have been treated with as allies, but not as subjects of the crown of Great Britain; they have maintained their own possessions, and preserved their independency; nor does it appear that they have by conquest lost, nor by cession, compact, or otherwise, yielded up or parted with, those rights to which, by the laws of nature and nations, they were and are ent.i.tled."

[Footnote 1: McCALL, Vol. I. p. 46.]

[Footnote 2: Capt. FREDERICK McKAY, in a letter to THOMAS BROUGHTON, Esq., Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, dated July 12,1735, written to justify his conduct as Indian Commissary, in turning out four traders who would not conform to the rules stipulated in the licenses, has the following remarks on the difficulties which he had to encounter: "It was impracticable to get the traders to observe their instructions, while some did undersell the others; some used light, others heavy weights; some bribed the Indians to lay out their skins with them, others told the Indians that their neighboring traders had heavy weights, and stole their skins from them, but that they themselves had light weights, and that their goods were better."]

[Footnote 3: "_Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the proceedings of the people of Georgia, with respect to the Province of South Carolina, and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies_."

4to. Charlestown, 1736, p. 121.

This tract was printed by Lewis Timothy. There was no printer in Carolina before 1730, and this appears to have been one of the earliest productions of the Charlestown press, in the form of a book.

RICH's _Bibliotheca Americana Nova_, p. 53.]

"The Committee cannot conceive that a charter from the crown of Great Britain can give the grantees a right or power over a people, who, to our knowledge, have never owned any allegiance, or acknowledged the sovereignty of the crown of Great Britain, or any Prince in Europe; but have indiscriminately visited and traded with the French, Spaniards, and English, as they judged it most for their advantage; and it is as difficult to understand how the laws of Great Britain, or of any Colony in America, can take place, or be put in execution in a country where the people never accepted of, nor submitted to, such laws; but have always maintained their freedom, and have adhered to their own customs and manners without variation or change."

Hence the Committee inferred that the Regulations which were pa.s.sed by the Trustees, could not be binding upon the Indians, nor serve to effect any exclusive trade with them. Oglethorpe acknowledged this independency of the Indians; and a.s.serted that, in perfect consistency with it, they had entered into a treaty of alliance with the Colony of Georgia; and, having themselves indicated certain terms and principles of traffic, these were adopted and enjoined by the Trustees; and this was done, not to claim authority over the Indians, nor to control their conduct, but to indicate what was required of those who should go among them as traders.

In answer to the allegations that the Carolina traders had been excluded, he declared that, in granting licenses to trade with the Indians, he refused none of the Carolina traders who conformed to the Act, and gave them the same instructions as had been given by the Province of Carolina.[1] He also declared that he had given, and should always continue to give, such instructions to the Georgia traders, as had formerly been given by the Province of South Carolina to theirs; and in case any new instructions given by the Province of South Carolina to their traders shall be imparted, and appear to him for the benefit of the two Provinces, he would add them to the instructions of the Georgia traders; and, finally, that, pursuant to the desire of the Committee, he would give directions to all his officers and traders among the Indians, in their talk and discourses to make no distinction between the two Provinces, but to speak in the name and behalf of his Majesty's subjects[2].

[Footnote 1: "To protect the natives against insults, and establish a fair trade and friendly intercourse with them, were regulations which humanity required, and sound policy dictated. But the rapacious spirit of individuals could be curbed by no authority. Many advantages were taken of the ignorance of Indians in the way of traffic." RAMSAY's _History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 48. For other particulars stated by him, respecting the trade with the Indians, see p. 89,104.]

[Footnote 2: _Report of the Committee_, &c., p. 106, 107.]

It seems, however, that the Committee were not satisfied; primarily because licenses were required, and especially that they must come through the hands of the Governor of Georgia.

In a few days after this conference Oglethorpe returned to Frederica.

On the latter part of September he renewed the commission of the Honorable Charles Dempsey, impowering him to state to the Governor of St. Augustine terms for a conventional adjustment of the misunderstanding between the two Provinces. This he eventually effected, and a treaty was concluded on the 27th of October following, much more conciliatory, on the part of the Spaniards, than he had expected. This, however, proved ineffectual, and the pleasing antic.i.p.ations of restored harmony which it seemed to authorize, were shortly frustrated by a message from the Governor of St. Augustine to acquaint him that a Spanish Minister had arrived from Cuba, charged with a communication which he desired an opportunity of delivering in person. At a conference which ensued, the Commissioner peremptorily required that Oglethorpe and his people should immediately evacuate all the territory to the southward of St. Helena's Sound, as that belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined to vindicate his right to it. He refused to listen to any argument in support of the English claim, or to admit the validity of the treaty which had lately been signed, declaring that it had erred in the concessions which had been made. He then unceremoniously departed, with a repet.i.tion of his demand, accompanied with menaces.

Perceiving that the most vigorous measures, and a stronger defensive force than the Province could supply, would be necessary to overawe the hostile purposes displayed by Spain, or repel them if put in execution, Oglethorpe resolved to represent the state of affairs to the British Ministers, and straightway embarking, set sail for England.[1] He arrived at the close of the year; and, presenting himself before the Board of Trustees, "received an unanimous vote of thanks, as he had made this second, as well as his first expedition to Georgia, entirely at his own expense."[2]

[Footnote 1: HEWATT, II. 47, and GRAHAM, III. 200, _totidem verbis_.]

[Footnote 2: _London Magazine_, October, 1757, p. 545.]

CHAPTER X.

Delegation of the Missionaries--JOHN WESLEY stationed at Savannah--Has a conference with Tomo Chichi--His Preaching deemed personal in its applications--He becomes unpopular--Meets with persecution--Leaves the Province and returns to England--CHARLES WESLEY attends Oglethorpe to Frederica--Finds himself unpleasantly situated--Furnished with despatches for the Trustees, he sets out for Charlestown, and thence takes pa.s.sage for England--By stress of weather the Vessel driven off its course--Puts in at Boston, New England--His reception there--Sails thence for England--After a perilous voyage arrives--BENJAMIN INGHAM also at Frederica--Goes to Savannah to apprize John Wesley of the sickness of his brother--Resides among the Creeks in order to learn their language--Returns to England--CHARLES DELAMOTTE at Savannah--Keeps a School--Is much respected--GEORGE WHITEFIELD comes to Savannah--His reception--Visits Tomo Chichi, who was sick--Ministerial labors--Visits the Saltzburgers--Pleased with their provision for Orphan Children--Visits Frederica and the adjacent Settlements--Returns to England--Makes a second voyage to Georgia, and takes efficient measures for the erection of an Orphan House.

In order to show circ.u.mstantially the progress of colonization, by following Oglethorpe with his new and large accession of emigrants and military forces to their destined places of settlement on the borders of the Alatamaha and the southern islands, all mention of the reception and treatment of the Wesleys, whom he had brought over as religious missionaries, has been deferred. The relation is introduced now, as a kind of episode.

The delegation of these pious evangelists was encouraged by flattering suggestions, and acceded to with the most raised expectations; and its objects were pursued by them with untiring zeal and unsparing self-devotedness, through continual hindrances. The opposition which they met was encountered with "all long-suffering and patience;" but their best efforts were unavailing; "and their mission closed, too speedily, in saddened disappointment."

I. JOHN WESLEY, though stationed at Savannah, did not consider himself so much a Minister to the inhabitants as a missionary to the Indians.