Darrah, William Culp, Powell of the Colorado Powell of the Colorado (Princeton, 1951). (Princeton, 1951).

Dellenbaugh, Frederick, The Romance of the Colorado River The Romance of the Colorado River (New York, 1902). (New York, 1902).

DeVoto, Bernard, The Course of Empire The Course of Empire (Boston, 1952). (Boston, 1952).

Garland, Hamlin, A Son of the Middle Border A Son of the Middle Border (New York, 1925). (New York, 1925).

Gilbert, Grove Karl, et al., John Wesley Powell, a Memorial John Wesley Powell, a Memorial (Chicago, 1904). (Chicago, 1904).

Malin, James C., Gra.s.slands of North America Gra.s.slands of North America (Lawrence, Kansas, 1947). (Lawrence, Kansas, 1947).

Peffer, Louise, The Closing of the Public Domain The Closing of the Public Domain (Palo Alto, Calif., 1951). (Palo Alto, Calif., 1951).

Schuchert, Charles, and C. M. LeVene, O. C. Marsh, Pioneer in Paleontology O. C. Marsh, Pioneer in Paleontology (New Haven, 1940). (New Haven, 1940).

Shannon, Fred A., The Farmer's Last Frontier The Farmer's Last Frontier (New York, 1935). (New York, 1935).

Smith, Henry Nash, Virgin Land Virgin Land (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., 1951). (Cambridge, Ma.s.s., 1951).

Stanton, Robert Brewer, and J. M. Chalfant, Colorado River Controversies Colorado River Controversies (New York, 1931). (New York, 1931).

Webb, Walter, The Great Plains The Great Plains (Boston, 1931). (Boston, 1931).

In addition, the Reports of the United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, J. W. Powell in Charge, especially G. K. Gilbert, Report on the Geology of the Henry Mountains Report on the Geology of the Henry Mountains (Washington, D. C., 1877); J. W. Powell, (Washington, D. C., 1877); J. W. Powell, Report on the Geology of the Eastern Portion of the Uinta Mountains and a region of country adjacent thereto Report on the Geology of the Eastern Portion of the Uinta Mountains and a region of country adjacent thereto (Washington, D. C., 1876); Powell, (Washington, D. C., 1876); Powell, Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions (Washington, D. C., 1878); and Clarence Edward Dutton, (Washington, D. C., 1878); and Clarence Edward Dutton, Report on the Geology of the High Plateaus of Utah Report on the Geology of the High Plateaus of Utah (Washington, D. C., 1880). (Washington, D. C., 1880).

Also the Annual Reports and Bulletins of the United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Territories, which acc.u.mulated into a bulky library between 1867 and 1878.

Also the Annual Reports of the United States Geological Survey, as well as the valuable series of Geological Survey Monographs, especially C. E. Dutton, The Tertiary History of the Grand.Canyon District, The Tertiary History of the Grand.Canyon District, with Atlas (Washington, D. C., 1882). with Atlas (Washington, D. C., 1882).

Also the Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology, especially those between 1879 and 1902; and certain publications of the Smithsonian Inst.i.tution, especially J. W. Powell, Report on the Exploration of the Colorado River of the West Report on the Exploration of the Colorado River of the West (Washington, D. C., 1875). (Washington, D. C., 1875).

For other government publications, particularly those bearing upon the history of the several bureaus considered here, see the notes to the chapters in question.

I. THE THRESHOLD.

1.

1 The best short discussions of William Gilpin are in Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land, (Cambridge, Ma.s.s.), pp. 35-43; and in Bernard DeVoto, "Geopolitics with the Dew on It," The best short discussions of William Gilpin are in Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land, (Cambridge, Ma.s.s.), pp. 35-43; and in Bernard DeVoto, "Geopolitics with the Dew on It," Harper's Magazine, Harper's Magazine, CLx.x.xVIII (March, 1944), 313-23. So far as I am aware, the only biography is that by Hubert H. Bancroft, CLx.x.xVIII (March, 1944), 313-23. So far as I am aware, the only biography is that by Hubert H. Bancroft, History of the Life of William Gilpin. A Character Study History of the Life of William Gilpin. A Character Study (San Francisco, 1889). (San Francisco, 1889).

2 An extraordinarily provocative study of the whole notion of a Great American Desert, together with the opposed myth of the West as the "Garden of'the World," is Smith's An extraordinarily provocative study of the whole notion of a Great American Desert, together with the opposed myth of the West as the "Garden of'the World," is Smith's Virgin Land, Virgin Land, cited above. It will be apparent throughout this book that I have. drawn heavily upon Mr. Smith's scholarship and conclusions. A summary of the travelers from Pike on who contributed to the belief in such a desert between the 100th meridian and the Rocky Mountains may be found in Ralph C. Morris, "The Notion of a Great American Desert East of the Rockies," cited above. It will be apparent throughout this book that I have. drawn heavily upon Mr. Smith's scholarship and conclusions. A summary of the travelers from Pike on who contributed to the belief in such a desert between the 100th meridian and the Rocky Mountains may be found in Ralph C. Morris, "The Notion of a Great American Desert East of the Rockies," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XIII (1926-27), No. 2, 190-200. Mr. Morris' list is representative, though it might be almost indefinitely expanded. In fact, until settlement began to creep out into the semi-arid plains in the sixties, there was little attempt to controvert the notion of a desert; the princ.i.p.al opposition to the notion came from immigrant brochures or as a result of local patriotism. One of the most effective gestures in this direction was Henry Worrall's cartoon, "Drouthy Kansas," first printed on the cover of the XIII (1926-27), No. 2, 190-200. Mr. Morris' list is representative, though it might be almost indefinitely expanded. In fact, until settlement began to creep out into the semi-arid plains in the sixties, there was little attempt to controvert the notion of a desert; the princ.i.p.al opposition to the notion came from immigrant brochures or as a result of local patriotism. One of the most effective gestures in this direction was Henry Worrall's cartoon, "Drouthy Kansas," first printed on the cover of the Kansas Farmer Kansas Farmer for November, 1869, and later reproduced in C. C. Hutchin son's for November, 1869, and later reproduced in C. C. Hutchin son's Resources of Kansas, Resources of Kansas, 1871, an immigrant come-on. Even as early as 1866, when Bayard Taylor visited the Colorado mountains, the debate between disparagers and local patriots was on, and Taylor, like many other travelers, felt himself called upon to cast a vote. He sidestepped the issue and closely approximated the truth by seeing not a desert but a steppe, eminently suitable for grazing and with arable oases. Powell's position in this continued debate, which involved great questions of policy, law, and planning, was absolutely central. At the same time, as Mr. Smith points out, it was one of Powell's scientific contemporaries and later employees, Dr. Cyrus Thomas, who noted the cyclic increase in rainfall and stream flow following the first settlement and gave official sanction to the folk belief, strenuously promoted by town builders and speculators, that tree planting and sod breaking altered the climate in man's favor. For Thomas' cautious and apparently justified statement, see the 1871, an immigrant come-on. Even as early as 1866, when Bayard Taylor visited the Colorado mountains, the debate between disparagers and local patriots was on, and Taylor, like many other travelers, felt himself called upon to cast a vote. He sidestepped the issue and closely approximated the truth by seeing not a desert but a steppe, eminently suitable for grazing and with arable oases. Powell's position in this continued debate, which involved great questions of policy, law, and planning, was absolutely central. At the same time, as Mr. Smith points out, it was one of Powell's scientific contemporaries and later employees, Dr. Cyrus Thomas, who noted the cyclic increase in rainfall and stream flow following the first settlement and gave official sanction to the folk belief, strenuously promoted by town builders and speculators, that tree planting and sod breaking altered the climate in man's favor. For Thomas' cautious and apparently justified statement, see the Preliminary Field Report of the United States Geological Survey of Colorado and New Mexico, Preliminary Field Report of the United States Geological Survey of Colorado and New Mexico, 1869. (Hayden Survey, 1869. (Hayden Survey, 3rd Annual Report, 1868.) 3rd Annual Report, 1868.) 3 The furious destruction of the buffalo after the coming of the railroad needs no copious doc.u.mentation. It is one of the shameful memories of the nation. Colonel Henry Inman, in The furious destruction of the buffalo after the coming of the railroad needs no copious doc.u.mentation. It is one of the shameful memories of the nation. Colonel Henry Inman, in The Old Santa Fe Trail, The Old Santa Fe Trail, p. 203, estimated on the evidence of Sante Fe freight reports that the haul of buffalo bones during the seventies and eighties from Kansas alone was 300,000 tons, which represented approximately 31,000,000 buffalo. Colonel Dodge estimated that in 1872 a half million and in 1873 three quarters of a million hides went east by the three western railroads. Amplification of these statistics may be found in E. P. Oberholtzer, p. 203, estimated on the evidence of Sante Fe freight reports that the haul of buffalo bones during the seventies and eighties from Kansas alone was 300,000 tons, which represented approximately 31,000,000 buffalo. Colonel Dodge estimated that in 1872 a half million and in 1873 three quarters of a million hides went east by the three western railroads. Amplification of these statistics may be found in E. P. Oberholtzer, The History of the United States since the Civil War The History of the United States since the Civil War (New York, 1917-37), II, 488, and Dan Elbert Clark, (New York, 1917-37), II, 488, and Dan Elbert Clark, The West in American History The West in American History (New York, 1937), pp. 587-90. Clark mentions a pile of buffalo bones twelve feet high and a half mile long beside the Santa Fe tracks. (New York, 1937), pp. 587-90. Clark mentions a pile of buffalo bones twelve feet high and a half mile long beside the Santa Fe tracks.

4 James C. Malin, in James C. Malin, in The Gra.s.slands of North America. The Gra.s.slands of North America. Malin rightly treats Powell as one of the pioneers in understanding the true problems of the plains, but seems even at this date to bristle at Powell's "deficiency terminology," and he puts himself in the awkward position of applauding both Powell and Gilpin for their vision of plains resources and possibilities. Professor Malin, in fact, seems almost as intent upon proving that there is no desert in Kansas as was Reuben Gold Thwaites, who summarized the feeling of the turn of the century in his Malin rightly treats Powell as one of the pioneers in understanding the true problems of the plains, but seems even at this date to bristle at Powell's "deficiency terminology," and he puts himself in the awkward position of applauding both Powell and Gilpin for their vision of plains resources and possibilities. Professor Malin, in fact, seems almost as intent upon proving that there is no desert in Kansas as was Reuben Gold Thwaites, who summarized the feeling of the turn of the century in his Brief History of Rocky Mountain Exploration Brief History of Rocky Mountain Exploration (New York, 1904). "Pike," wrote Mr. Thwaites, "appears to have been the first to describe the fine grazing plains of Nebraska and western Kansas as a 'desert' (New York, 1904). "Pike," wrote Mr. Thwaites, "appears to have been the first to describe the fine grazing plains of Nebraska and western Kansas as a 'desert' - - 'a barrier,' he says, 'placed by Providence to keep the American people from a thin diffusion and ruin.' It took over half a century to destroy this myth of a Great American Desert, for which Pike was responsible. When more gigantic systems of irrigation than now exist shall slake the thirst of these parched plains lying upon the eastern slope of the Rockies; when what is at present being done for comparatively narrow districts at the base of the hills shall be extended as far east as the rainy belt, this desert shall everywhere blossom as the rose. The cattle ranches are fast being subdivided into homesteads, and the cultivable area is rapidly growing before our eyes. We hear now and then the cry of the alarmist; that the limit of settlement in the great West is clearly in sight; but there is still room for tens of millions of vigorous colonists in the upper valleys of the Missouri, the Platte, and the Arkansas, and the great plains stretching north and south between them. The Great American Desert of our childhood may yet become the garden of the land." 'a barrier,' he says, 'placed by Providence to keep the American people from a thin diffusion and ruin.' It took over half a century to destroy this myth of a Great American Desert, for which Pike was responsible. When more gigantic systems of irrigation than now exist shall slake the thirst of these parched plains lying upon the eastern slope of the Rockies; when what is at present being done for comparatively narrow districts at the base of the hills shall be extended as far east as the rainy belt, this desert shall everywhere blossom as the rose. The cattle ranches are fast being subdivided into homesteads, and the cultivable area is rapidly growing before our eyes. We hear now and then the cry of the alarmist; that the limit of settlement in the great West is clearly in sight; but there is still room for tens of millions of vigorous colonists in the upper valleys of the Missouri, the Platte, and the Arkansas, and the great plains stretching north and south between them. The Great American Desert of our childhood may yet become the garden of the land."

There could not be a more perfect demonstration of Henry Smith's "garden of the world" syndrome, and in fact Thwaites in talking thus is uncritically repeating the optimism and repudiation of facts that marked William Gilpin. Professor Malin, resenting deficiency terminology and insisting that dust storms are a natural and by no means alarming part of plains life, and have occurred since before settlement and the breaking of the sod, seems to be straining toward the same defensiveness that made Kansas break its neck to put on a gaudy show at the Philadelphia Centennial in 1876, two years after drouth and gra.s.shoppers had cleaned the whole state down to the gra.s.sroots. And Thwaites' faith in larger and larger irrigation works presupposes an indefinite amount of water, which is against the facts, or some Martian system of reservoirs and ca.n.a.ls like that proposed by Cyrus Thomas in the seventies. This called for a dam from the Platte to the Arkansas, parallel with the Rockies, so as to impound a lake forty miles wide and more than two hundred long against the foot of the mountains. See the U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, 3rd Annual Report, 1868, 3rd Annual Report, 1868, pp. 140-41. pp. 140-41.

2.

1 Henry Adams, Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams The Education of Henry Adams, p. 52.

2 The thesis of Frederick Jackson Turner is of course peculiarly applicable to education. Education on the frontier was less a matter of schools than of books and men, and especially of men's att.i.tudes toward books, and men's hunger for what books contained. Part of the essential background for a homemade education was deprivation, and this was a condition that successive frontiers all provided. The thesis of Frederick Jackson Turner is of course peculiarly applicable to education. Education on the frontier was less a matter of schools than of books and men, and especially of men's att.i.tudes toward books, and men's hunger for what books contained. Part of the essential background for a homemade education was deprivation, and this was a condition that successive frontiers all provided.

3 I have made no attempt to cover in any detailed way the early years of Major Powell's life, or to track down his personal relations with his family, his Civil War record, his genealogy, or any of the routine data of the biographer. Since I am attempting only the biography of a I have made no attempt to cover in any detailed way the early years of Major Powell's life, or to track down his personal relations with his family, his Civil War record, his genealogy, or any of the routine data of the biographer. Since I am attempting only the biography of a career, career, and that because of the way in which it heightens the typical, I have chosen to deal only with the quality of Powell's education, which is where both his personal distinction and his typicalness are rooted. Details of his boyhood and youth and war service are available in William Culp Darrah's useful and that because of the way in which it heightens the typical, I have chosen to deal only with the quality of Powell's education, which is where both his personal distinction and his typicalness are rooted. Details of his boyhood and youth and war service are available in William Culp Darrah's useful Powell of the Colorado; Powell of the Colorado; in Grove Karl Gilbert, et al., in Grove Karl Gilbert, et al., John Wesley Powell, John Wesley Powell, a Memorial; and in W. M. Davis, a Memorial; and in W. M. Davis, Biographical Memoir of John Wesley Powell Biographical Memoir of John Wesley Powell, National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoirs (Washington, February, 1915).

4 On frontier education, see Meredith Nicholson, On frontier education, see Meredith Nicholson, The Hoosiers, The Hoosiers, especially Chapter III, "Bringers of the Light"; also Edward Eggleston's novels especially Chapter III, "Bringers of the Light"; also Edward Eggleston's novels The Hoosier Schoolmaster, The Circuit Rider, The Hoosier Schoolmaster, The Circuit Rider, and and The Hoosier Schoolboy, The Hoosier Schoolboy, further light is shed by many of the striking autobiographies of men who grew up out of a frontier background: John Muir, further light is shed by many of the striking autobiographies of men who grew up out of a frontier background: John Muir, The Story of My Boyhood and Youth; The Story of My Boyhood and Youth; John Burroughs, John Burroughs, My Boyhood; My Boyhood; William Dean Howells ; A Boy's Town; Hamlin Garland, William Dean Howells ; A Boy's Town; Hamlin Garland, A Son of the Middle Border. A Son of the Middle Border. It would be unwise to omit Mark Twain's accounts, either fictional or otherwise, of a boyhood on the Mississippi, or to neglect later, imported doc.u.ments such as Ole Edvard Rolvaag's It would be unwise to omit Mark Twain's accounts, either fictional or otherwise, of a boyhood on the Mississippi, or to neglect later, imported doc.u.ments such as Ole Edvard Rolvaag's Peder Victorious, Peder Victorious, or Marie Sandaz's, or Marie Sandaz's, Old Jules, Old Jules, or Willa Cather's plains novels, especially or Willa Cather's plains novels, especially 0 Pioneers 0 Pioneers and and My Antonia. My Antonia. Lincoln's boyhood is of course part of American folklore; it is given magnificent treatment in Sandburg's Lincoln's boyhood is of course part of American folklore; it is given magnificent treatment in Sandburg's Lincoln Lincoln, the Prairie Years. the Prairie Years. The doc.u.mentation, in fact, is endless; the way the frontier American boy and girl got their education is still so close to our memory and so entangled with our habits of thinking and believing that even after the basic condition of deprivation is outgrown we continue to act and believe in many things according to patterns established in the backwoods of Indiana or the prairies of Illinois or the windy plains of Dakota a hundred or seventy five or fifty years ago. The doc.u.mentation, in fact, is endless; the way the frontier American boy and girl got their education is still so close to our memory and so entangled with our habits of thinking and believing that even after the basic condition of deprivation is outgrown we continue to act and believe in many things according to patterns established in the backwoods of Indiana or the prairies of Illinois or the windy plains of Dakota a hundred or seventy five or fifty years ago.

5 For this first experience in promotion of a scheme within a political context, see Darrah, For this first experience in promotion of a scheme within a political context, see Darrah, Powell of the Colorado Powell of the Colorado, pp. 73-82; Lindley Morris, "John Wesley Powell," unpublished M.A. thesis, Illinois State Normal University (Bloomington, Illinois, 1947); Proceedings, Proceedings, Illinois State Board of Education (1858-75); and the 25th Illinois General a.s.sembly, "An Act concerning the board of education and the Illinois Natural History Society," Illinois Laws (1867), pp. 21-22. Illinois State Board of Education (1858-75); and the 25th Illinois General a.s.sembly, "An Act concerning the board of education and the Illinois Natural History Society," Illinois Laws (1867), pp. 21-22.

6 An application to the Smithsonian during this visit brought only the loan of scientific equipment, in exchange for the data Powell's party should collect. In the following April Powell went again, and again approached Grant, this time with a request for free rations for twenty-five men. Grant approved, but General Eaton, then commissary general of subsistence, disapproved on the ground Powell was neither a member of the army nor a civilian employee of the government. He suggested a special enactment of Congress as the only recourse, which meant calls on Senator Trumbull and Representative Cullom, as well as on Professor Henry, who introduced Powell to Garfield. After numerous objections, and a spirited support from Trumbull, the Senate authorized the drawing of rations for twenty-five men. The princ.i.p.al justification urged in Powell's behalf was his proposed exploration of the unknown Colorado River and his intention of studying irrigation possibilities in the mountain region. An application to the Smithsonian during this visit brought only the loan of scientific equipment, in exchange for the data Powell's party should collect. In the following April Powell went again, and again approached Grant, this time with a request for free rations for twenty-five men. Grant approved, but General Eaton, then commissary general of subsistence, disapproved on the ground Powell was neither a member of the army nor a civilian employee of the government. He suggested a special enactment of Congress as the only recourse, which meant calls on Senator Trumbull and Representative Cullom, as well as on Professor Henry, who introduced Powell to Garfield. After numerous objections, and a spirited support from Trumbull, the Senate authorized the drawing of rations for twenty-five men. The princ.i.p.al justification urged in Powell's behalf was his proposed exploration of the unknown Colorado River and his intention of studying irrigation possibilities in the mountain region.

What Powell actually got out of Congress before 1870 was meager; they looked upon this unknown with suspicion, apparently afraid that he would set an expensive precedent, though for the past two years they had given F. V. Hayden a budget, of $5000 to conduct a geological survey of Nebraska, and the year before had embraced Clarence King's proposed survey of the 40th parallel.

7 See Schuchert and LeVene, See Schuchert and LeVene, O O. C. Marsh, Pioneer in Paleontology C. Marsh, Pioneer in Paleontology. It was the discovery of Protohippus parvulua, Protohippus parvulua, a veritable missing link in the history of the horse, that conclusively clinched the theories of Darwin and Huxley. What diggers thought were human bones, dug out of a well, Marsh seized upon with a sure and trained comprehension only possible to a thorough professional. a veritable missing link in the history of the horse, that conclusively clinched the theories of Darwin and Huxley. What diggers thought were human bones, dug out of a well, Marsh seized upon with a sure and trained comprehension only possible to a thorough professional.

3.

1 Accounts of the 1868 Powell expedition have been consulted in the following sources: Accounts of the 1868 Powell expedition have been consulted in the following sources: Rocky Mountain News, Rocky Mountain News, August 19, 20, 25, and September 1, 1868, and August 9, 1873; Denver August 19, 20, 25, and September 1, 1868, and August 9, 1873; Denver Post, Post, September 7, 1935; four letters from Sam Garman to Gertrude Lewis, preserved in the Milner Library, Illinois State Normal University; the diary of William N. Byers for 1868, in the Western History Division of the Denver Public Library; William N. Byers, "First Ascent of Long's Peak," September 7, 1935; four letters from Sam Garman to Gertrude Lewis, preserved in the Milner Library, Illinois State Normal University; the diary of William N. Byers for 1868, in the Western History Division of the Denver Public Library; William N. Byers, "First Ascent of Long's Peak," The Trail, The Trail, VII, No. 5 (October 1914); L. W. Keplinger, two articles with the same t.i.tle as that of Byers, in The Trail, VII, No. 8 (January, 1915), and XII, No. 1 (June, 1919); Thomas F. Dawson, "Lost Alone on Bear River Forty Years Ago," VII, No. 5 (October 1914); L. W. Keplinger, two articles with the same t.i.tle as that of Byers, in The Trail, VII, No. 8 (January, 1915), and XII, No. 1 (June, 1919); Thomas F. Dawson, "Lost Alone on Bear River Forty Years Ago," The Trail, The Trail, XI, No. 2 (July, 1918); XI, No. 2 (July, 1918); Bloomington Daily Pantagraph Bloomington Daily Pantagraph (August 27, 1868); and the diaries of Lyle Durley and Rhodes Allen, both of these last available to me through the kindness of William Culp Darrah of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. There is additional information, though somewhat garbled by bad memory and personal animosity, in the recollections of Jack Sumner and Billy Hawkins, cited in Note 3, below, and some refutation of the Sumner-Hawkins accounts in a letter from L. W. Keplinger to Robert Brewster Stanton, November 1, 1919 (Box II of the Stanton Papers, New York Public Library). The Sumner-Hawkins version is developed in R. B. Stanton and J. M. Chalfant, (August 27, 1868); and the diaries of Lyle Durley and Rhodes Allen, both of these last available to me through the kindness of William Culp Darrah of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. There is additional information, though somewhat garbled by bad memory and personal animosity, in the recollections of Jack Sumner and Billy Hawkins, cited in Note 3, below, and some refutation of the Sumner-Hawkins accounts in a letter from L. W. Keplinger to Robert Brewster Stanton, November 1, 1919 (Box II of the Stanton Papers, New York Public Library). The Sumner-Hawkins version is developed in R. B. Stanton and J. M. Chalfant, Colorado River Controversies. Colorado River Controversies. Some of the party's activities are reported in Samuel Bowles, Some of the party's activities are reported in Samuel Bowles, The Switzerland of America: A Summer's Vacation in the Parks and Mountains of Colorado The Switzerland of America: A Summer's Vacation in the Parks and Mountains of Colorado (Springfield, Ma.s.s., 1869), pp. 81 ff.; and in Bowles, (Springfield, Ma.s.s., 1869), pp. 81 ff.; and in Bowles, Our New West. Records of travel between the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean Our New West. Records of travel between the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean (Hartford, Conn., 1869), pp. 502-3. (Hartford, Conn., 1869), pp. 502-3.

2 The status of natural science in the Rockies in 1868 was still remarkably uncertain. Collections and observations had been made by Lewis and Clark, Pike, Long, Emory, Fremont, Gunnison, Captain W. W. Anderson, Captain W. L. Carpenter, Lieutenant C. A. H. McCauley, Lieutenant Colonel T. C. Henry, and others, but the peculiarly hazardous conditions of early collecting had caused the loss not only of many of the collections but of notes as well. Lewis arid Clark's collections were never used as effectively as they might have been; Maximilian of Wied lost practically all of his 1833-34 collections in the burning of the steamboat The status of natural science in the Rockies in 1868 was still remarkably uncertain. Collections and observations had been made by Lewis and Clark, Pike, Long, Emory, Fremont, Gunnison, Captain W. W. Anderson, Captain W. L. Carpenter, Lieutenant C. A. H. McCauley, Lieutenant Colonel T. C. Henry, and others, but the peculiarly hazardous conditions of early collecting had caused the loss not only of many of the collections but of notes as well. Lewis arid Clark's collections were never used as effectively as they might have been; Maximilian of Wied lost practically all of his 1833-34 collections in the burning of the steamboat a.s.sinibolne a.s.sinibolne on the Missouri; Pike's account is scientifically undoc.u.mented; Say and James, scientists with Long's expedition, suffered constant loss from the wetting and spoiling of specimens, and some of their notes were carried off by deserters; Fremont's collections were mainly lost. Especially in the region of the Colorado Rockies, there was little that could be called scientifically definite until about 1850, and not too much afterward until the late sixties, when Meek, Hayden, Powell, Marsh, and others had begun their expeditions. See Joseph Ewan, on the Missouri; Pike's account is scientifically undoc.u.mented; Say and James, scientists with Long's expedition, suffered constant loss from the wetting and spoiling of specimens, and some of their notes were carried off by deserters; Fremont's collections were mainly lost. Especially in the region of the Colorado Rockies, there was little that could be called scientifically definite until about 1850, and not too much afterward until the late sixties, when Meek, Hayden, Powell, Marsh, and others had begun their expeditions. See Joseph Ewan, Rocky Mountain Naturalists Rocky Mountain Naturalists (Denver, 1950), pp. 1-12 and (Denver, 1950), pp. 1-12 and pa.s.sim.. pa.s.sim..

3 Sumner's grudge has been taken up and exploited by several people, notably in Stanton and Chalfant, Sumner's grudge has been taken up and exploited by several people, notably in Stanton and Chalfant, Colorado River Controversies, Colorado River Controversies, and W. W. Ba.s.s, and W. W. Ba.s.s, Adventures in the Canyons of the Colorado Adventures in the Canyons of the Colorado (Grand Canyon, Ariz., 1919). Sumner's reminiscences are reprinted in (Grand Canyon, Ariz., 1919). Sumner's reminiscences are reprinted in Colorado River Controversies; Colorado River Controversies; they const.i.tute a revision and slight alteration in detail, though not in tone, of a spiteful letter he wrote from Hanksville, Utah, to the Denver they const.i.tute a revision and slight alteration in detail, though not in tone, of a spiteful letter he wrote from Hanksville, Utah, to the Denver Post Post on October 13, 1902, after Powell's death. The original letter is in the Colorado Historical Society archives. Hawkins' account is reprinted in the Ba.s.s booklet and in on October 13, 1902, after Powell's death. The original letter is in the Colorado Historical Society archives. Hawkins' account is reprinted in the Ba.s.s booklet and in Colorado Colorado River River Controversies. Controversies. Both the Sumner and Hawkins recollections are full of egregious errors of fact, as is a letter from Jack Sumner's son to Clyde Eddy summarizing his father's experiences and grievances, which is now in the files of the Utah State Historical Society. The whole controversy is a melancholy and spiteful affair. I have discussed it in detail, hoping thereby to scotch a good many persistent misconceptions, in "Jack Sumner and John Wesley Powell," Both the Sumner and Hawkins recollections are full of egregious errors of fact, as is a letter from Jack Sumner's son to Clyde Eddy summarizing his father's experiences and grievances, which is now in the files of the Utah State Historical Society. The whole controversy is a melancholy and spiteful affair. I have discussed it in detail, hoping thereby to scotch a good many persistent misconceptions, in "Jack Sumner and John Wesley Powell," Colorado Magazine, Colorado Magazine, XXVI (1949), 61-69. XXVI (1949), 61-69.

4 Taylor comments on Sumner's skill and daring in Taylor comments on Sumner's skill and daring in Colorado: A Summer . Trip, Colorado: A Summer . Trip, 1866 (New York, 1867). 1866 (New York, 1867).

5 At least the somewhat boastful and tainted testimony of his reminiscences. Sumner's later tendency was to take credit for all invention, all good management, and all resolution that were demonstrated on the expedition. At least the somewhat boastful and tainted testimony of his reminiscences. Sumner's later tendency was to take credit for all invention, all good management, and all resolution that were demonstrated on the expedition.

6 Because of the grab-bag methods of his early expeditions, and because of confusion that later arose between Illinois State Normal University, the Natural History Society, and the Smithsonian as to who owned parts of the collection, and most of all because of Powell's own failure to label and catalogue the specimens he brought back, neither the first nor second Rocky Mountain Scientific Exploring Expedition did much to clarify natural science in Colorado. Powell left the Normal museum before he had time to tidy it up, so that whatever the botanical activities of the ladies, they remain unrecorded. But Nellie Thompson later, while living at Kanab with the Powell Survey party, contributed plant specimens to Asa Gray (1872), and there is an Because of the grab-bag methods of his early expeditions, and because of confusion that later arose between Illinois State Normal University, the Natural History Society, and the Smithsonian as to who owned parts of the collection, and most of all because of Powell's own failure to label and catalogue the specimens he brought back, neither the first nor second Rocky Mountain Scientific Exploring Expedition did much to clarify natural science in Colorado. Powell left the Normal museum before he had time to tidy it up, so that whatever the botanical activities of the ladies, they remain unrecorded. But Nellie Thompson later, while living at Kanab with the Powell Survey party, contributed plant specimens to Asa Gray (1872), and there is an astragalus thompsonae astragalus thompsonae that Sereno Watson named for her, as well as a that Sereno Watson named for her, as well as a Pentstemon pumilus Pentstemon pumilus var. var. thompsoniae thompsoniae that records her a.s.sociation with Gray. See Ewan, that records her a.s.sociation with Gray. See Ewan, Rocky Rocky Mountain Naturalists, p. 321. Mountain Naturalists, p. 321.

7 These const.i.tute a series, on August 19, 20, and 25, and September 1, and reproduce in ampler form the notes in his diary for the same period. My account of the ascent of Long's Peak is taken from these letters, from Garman's letters to Gertrude Lewis, and from Keplinger's articles in These const.i.tute a series, on August 19, 20, and 25, and September 1, and reproduce in ampler form the notes in his diary for the same period. My account of the ascent of Long's Peak is taken from these letters, from Garman's letters to Gertrude Lewis, and from Keplinger's articles in The Trail. The Trail. The Byers article in The Byers article in The Trail The Trail is a reprint of his September 1, 1868, letter to the is a reprint of his September 1, 1868, letter to the Rocky Mountain News. Rocky Mountain News.

4.

1 An account of this junket appears in Samuel Bowles, An account of this junket appears in Samuel Bowles, The Switzerland of America The Switzerland of America (Springfield, Ma.s.s., 1869), pp. 82 ff., and in essentially the same form in his (Springfield, Ma.s.s., 1869), pp. 82 ff., and in essentially the same form in his Our New West Our New West (Hartford, Conn., 1869), pp. 502-3. See also O. J. Hollister, (Hartford, Conn., 1869), pp. 502-3. See also O. J. Hollister, Life of Schuyler Colfax Life of Schuyler Colfax (New York, 1886), pp. 325 ff. (New York, 1886), pp. 325 ff.

2 Hollister reports that the wedding ring for Nellie Wade was made from gold dust presented to Colfax in the mountains by a Colorado miner (p. 327, note). Hollister reports that the wedding ring for Nellie Wade was made from gold dust presented to Colfax in the mountains by a Colorado miner (p. 327, note).

3 Bowles' trip was part of the extraordinary rush of journalists and editors and artists who after the end of the war began interpreting the opening West, its natives, flora, fauna, scenery, resources, and opportunities, for eastern readers. Horace Greeley, John Hanson Beadle, Samuel Bowles, and L. P. Brockett among the editors; Frenzeny and Tavernier, Alfred Waud, Theodore Davis, Alfred Mathews, Joseph Becker, and Henry Worrall among the artists; Alexander Gardner, T. H. O'Sullivan, W. H. Jackson, among the photographers, were only a handful among hundreds. The popular journals of the time, especially Bowles' trip was part of the extraordinary rush of journalists and editors and artists who after the end of the war began interpreting the opening West, its natives, flora, fauna, scenery, resources, and opportunities, for eastern readers. Horace Greeley, John Hanson Beadle, Samuel Bowles, and L. P. Brockett among the editors; Frenzeny and Tavernier, Alfred Waud, Theodore Davis, Alfred Mathews, Joseph Becker, and Henry Worrall among the artists; Alexander Gardner, T. H. O'Sullivan, W. H. Jackson, among the photographers, were only a handful among hundreds. The popular journals of the time, especially Leslie's Ill.u.s.trated Newspaper, Harper's Weekly, Scribner's Monthly, Leslie's Ill.u.s.trated Newspaper, Harper's Weekly, Scribner's Monthly, and and Century, Century, show a heavy proportion of Western articles and ill.u.s.trations, and the flood of books by transcontinental travelers can never be said to have ceased entirely. An extremely informative study of the ill.u.s.trators who made up part of this journalistic gold rush is Robert Taft, show a heavy proportion of Western articles and ill.u.s.trations, and the flood of books by transcontinental travelers can never be said to have ceased entirely. An extremely informative study of the ill.u.s.trators who made up part of this journalistic gold rush is Robert Taft, Artists and Ill.u.s.trators of the Old West: Artists and Ill.u.s.trators of the Old West: 1850-1900 (New York, 1953). 1850-1900 (New York, 1953).

4 The map upon which Powell depended was apparently a General Land Office map drawn by Gorlinski, which was in turn based, presumably, upon various Army reconnoissances and upon the rectangular surveys of the General Land Office so far as they had been extended. The most detailed maps of the region he was planning to enter may or may not have been available to Powell. Clarence King's maps of the Uinta region were not yet completed, and Macomb's expeditionary map, drawn by F. W. von Egloffstein in 1859 when Macomb attempted to reach the junction of Green and Grand, would not be published until 1876, though the map bears the date 1860 and may have circulated in the sixties. I have seen no evidence that Powell was yet acquainted with John Strong Newberry, Macomb's geologist, though the two later became close friends. Unless he had Macomb's map, Powell thus had to rely on the Gorlinski map (see Darrah, The map upon which Powell depended was apparently a General Land Office map drawn by Gorlinski, which was in turn based, presumably, upon various Army reconnoissances and upon the rectangular surveys of the General Land Office so far as they had been extended. The most detailed maps of the region he was planning to enter may or may not have been available to Powell. Clarence King's maps of the Uinta region were not yet completed, and Macomb's expeditionary map, drawn by F. W. von Egloffstein in 1859 when Macomb attempted to reach the junction of Green and Grand, would not be published until 1876, though the map bears the date 1860 and may have circulated in the sixties. I have seen no evidence that Powell was yet acquainted with John Strong Newberry, Macomb's geologist, though the two later became close friends. Unless he had Macomb's map, Powell thus had to rely on the Gorlinski map (see Darrah, Powell of the Colorado, Powell of the Colorado, p. 108, note), the reports of Fremont, Ives, and Berthoud, and the p. 108, note), the reports of Fremont, Ives, and Berthoud, and the Pacific Railroad Reports, Pacific Railroad Reports, especially those of Lieutenant Gunnison and Lieutenant Beckwith especially those of Lieutenant Gunnison and Lieutenant Beckwith (Reports of Explorations and Surveys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economical Route for a Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, (Reports of Explorations and Surveys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economical Route for a Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, made under the direction of the Secretary of War, in 1853-54, II [Washington, 1855]). The map to accompany Beckwith's report was published in Vol. XI. It was drawn by von Egloffstein from notes by Richard Kern, and perpetuated several early misconceptions, notably in calling what was later known as the Gunnison River the Grand, and calling the Grand above its junction with the Gunnison, the Blue. It left just as blank as the Gorlinski map that tantalizing region along the Green and Colorado between the Uinta Valley and the mouth of the Little Colorado. made under the direction of the Secretary of War, in 1853-54, II [Washington, 1855]). The map to accompany Beckwith's report was published in Vol. XI. It was drawn by von Egloffstein from notes by Richard Kern, and perpetuated several early misconceptions, notably in calling what was later known as the Gunnison River the Grand, and calling the Grand above its junction with the Gunnison, the Blue. It left just as blank as the Gorlinski map that tantalizing region along the Green and Colorado between the Uinta Valley and the mouth of the Little Colorado.

5 In spite of the fact that every mile of the canyons has been surveyed and resurveyed, this sort of tale is common even today. The appet.i.te for the marvelous dies hard. In spite of the fact that every mile of the canyons has been surveyed and resurveyed, this sort of tale is common even today. The appet.i.te for the marvelous dies hard.

6 The evidence that Powell had talked to White comes only from the journal of George Y. Bradley, though Sumner's journal also mentions the White claim (with derision). I have not encountered anyone who has run the Colorado canyons, or knows them well, who credits White's tale. Robert Brewster Stanton painstakingly traced the story down, interviewed White and others, and came to the conclusion that White was sadly mistaken, though he may not have deliberately lied. Stanton believed that White had run only the final minor stretch of canyons, now part of Lake Mead, from the Grand Wash Cliffs to Callville, and was never in the Grand Canyon proper at all. The evidence that Powell had talked to White comes only from the journal of George Y. Bradley, though Sumner's journal also mentions the White claim (with derision). I have not encountered anyone who has run the Colorado canyons, or knows them well, who credits White's tale. Robert Brewster Stanton painstakingly traced the story down, interviewed White and others, and came to the conclusion that White was sadly mistaken, though he may not have deliberately lied. Stanton believed that White had run only the final minor stretch of canyons, now part of Lake Mead, from the Grand Wash Cliffs to Callville, and was never in the Grand Canyon proper at all. (Colorado River Controversies, (Colorado River Controversies, pp. 70-93.) Yet as late as 1917 there were champions of White's claim to the glory of first running the river. See Thomas F. Dawson, "The Grand Canyon," an article giving the credit of first traversing the Grand Canyon of the Colorado to James White, a Colorado gold explorer, who it is claimed made the voyage two years previous to the expedition under the direction of Major J. W. Powell in 1869. 65th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc.u.ment No. 42. Dawson makes much of the fact that Powell knew of White's voyage, and so gained courage to run the river. There is no doubt, from the evidence of Bowles, Bradley, and Sumner, that Powell did know of White, and had perhaps talked to him. Neither is there any doubt that both he and his men thought White's yarn a fable. Years later, Powell told William H. Brewer of Yale that he was convinced before he ran it that the Colorado had no falls. His reason was not White's story, but the scientific conclusion that a river so loaded with silt would very soon scour its bed down to something like an even grade. See Wm. H. Brewer, "John Wesley Powell," pp. 70-93.) Yet as late as 1917 there were champions of White's claim to the glory of first running the river. See Thomas F. Dawson, "The Grand Canyon," an article giving the credit of first traversing the Grand Canyon of the Colorado to James White, a Colorado gold explorer, who it is claimed made the voyage two years previous to the expedition under the direction of Major J. W. Powell in 1869. 65th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc.u.ment No. 42. Dawson makes much of the fact that Powell knew of White's voyage, and so gained courage to run the river. There is no doubt, from the evidence of Bowles, Bradley, and Sumner, that Powell did know of White, and had perhaps talked to him. Neither is there any doubt that both he and his men thought White's yarn a fable. Years later, Powell told William H. Brewer of Yale that he was convinced before he ran it that the Colorado had no falls. His reason was not White's story, but the scientific conclusion that a river so loaded with silt would very soon scour its bed down to something like an even grade. See Wm. H. Brewer, "John Wesley Powell," American Journal of Science American Journal of Science, XIV (November, 1902).

7 A search of the archives of the Denver Public Library's Western History Division, as well as those of the Colorado Historical Society, has produced little on any of these mountain men except Sumner and O. G. Howland. What little is known of each of them is summarized by Darrah in A search of the archives of the Denver Public Library's Western History Division, as well as those of the Colorado Historical Society, has produced little on any of these mountain men except Sumner and O. G. Howland. What little is known of each of them is summarized by Darrah in Utah Historical Quarterly Utah Historical Quarterly , XV (1947). , XV (1947).

5.

1 Sources for this part of the 1868 expedition are the Allen and Durley diaries; Garman's letters to Gertrude Lewis; Dawson, "Lost Alone on Bear River Forty Years Ago;" and to some extent Sumner's letter to the Sources for this part of the 1868 expedition are the Allen and Durley diaries; Garman's letters to Gertrude Lewis; Dawson, "Lost Alone on Bear River Forty Years Ago;" and to some extent Sumner's letter to the Denver Post Denver Post and his reminiscences in and his reminiscences in Colorado River Controversies. Colorado River Controversies.

2 Powell Bottoms is a mile or two below the Rifle Junction, about three miles below Meeker. Nathan Meeker, when he was made Indian agent to the White River Utes in 1878, utilized as agency buildings some of the cabins erected by Powell's party. A letter from Meeker to Powell dated December 12, 1878, nine months before Meeker and all his men were ma.s.sacred, shows not the slightest premonition that the Utes were restive. On the contrary, Meeker optimistically outlines the improvements he is making, and invites Powell back to observe the changes that have been made. (National Archives, Powell Survey, Letters Received, VIII, No. 50.) Powell Bottoms is a mile or two below the Rifle Junction, about three miles below Meeker. Nathan Meeker, when he was made Indian agent to the White River Utes in 1878, utilized as agency buildings some of the cabins erected by Powell's party. A letter from Meeker to Powell dated December 12, 1878, nine months before Meeker and all his men were ma.s.sacred, shows not the slightest premonition that the Utes were restive. On the contrary, Meeker optimistically outlines the improvements he is making, and invites Powell back to observe the changes that have been made. (National Archives, Powell Survey, Letters Received, VIII, No. 50.)

6.

1 Captain Macomb, working down the incredibly cut-up sandrock country toward the junction, had got close enough to see from a high point what he thought must be the confluence of the canyons of the Grand and Green, but had been unable to get down to the rivers. As I have pointed out (Chapter 4, note 4) Newberry's geological report, though earlier in time than Powell's exploration, was not published until 1876, the year after Powell's Captain Macomb, working down the incredibly cut-up sandrock country toward the junction, had got close enough to see from a high point what he thought must be the confluence of the canyons of the Grand and Green, but had been unable to get down to the rivers. As I have pointed out (Chapter 4, note 4) Newberry's geological report, though earlier in time than Powell's exploration, was not published until 1876, the year after Powell's Exploration of the Colorado River of the West Exploration of the Colorado River of the West appeared. Macomb's map may have been available to him, though he never mentioned it, as one might have expected him to do if he knew of it. In modem maps the Grand is called the Colorado. appeared. Macomb's map may have been available to him, though he never mentioned it, as one might have expected him to do if he knew of it. In modem maps the Grand is called the Colorado.

2 As it turned out, the river party was kept much too busy to pan the sandbars, and the loss and spoilage of provisions kept them from loitering in the canyons. Later Jack Sumner spent several years prospecting in the area. It was while he was working a river placer that Robert Brewster Stanton ran across him on December 13, 1891, and got the first intimations of the ill will with which Powell's former helper regarded the Major. As it turned out, the river party was kept much too busy to pan the sandbars, and the loss and spoilage of provisions kept them from loitering in the canyons. Later Jack Sumner spent several years prospecting in the area. It was while he was working a river placer that Robert Brewster Stanton ran across him on December 13, 1891, and got the first intimations of the ill will with which Powell's former helper regarded the Major. (Colorado River Controversies, (Colorado River Controversies, p. xli.) p. xli.) 3 Here too Sumner, and after him Stanton and others, have misstated or misinterpreted facts. Sumner, in conducting his campaign of sour grapes and vilification, claimed that through Senator Trumbull Powell had obtained a government appropriation of $10,000 for the 1869 expedition. He bitterly charged that the boatmen were not paid, that supplies were stingily bought, and so on. Actually Powell had no appropriation whatever aside from the right to draw rations. For a full and specific statement of how his expedition was financed, see his letter to the Chicago Here too Sumner, and after him Stanton and others, have misstated or misinterpreted facts. Sumner, in conducting his campaign of sour grapes and vilification, claimed that through Senator Trumbull Powell had obtained a government appropriation of $10,000 for the 1869 expedition. He bitterly charged that the boatmen were not paid, that supplies were stingily bought, and so on. Actually Powell had no appropriation whatever aside from the right to draw rations. For a full and specific statement of how his expedition was financed, see his letter to the Chicago Tribune Tribune, dated from Green River, Wyoming on May 24, 1869, and published on May 29. It is reprinted with other doc.u.ments of the expedition in Utah Historical Quarterly, Utah Historical Quarterly, XV, (1947). XV, (1947).

4 Now the University of Illinois. Now the University of Illinois.

5 The wages paid, or not paid, to the boatmen is one of the most angrily debated details of the expedition. Sumner and Hawkins, in their late attacks, charged Powell with turning them loose all but penniless at the mouth of the Virgin. As he points out in his May 24 letter to the Chicago The wages paid, or not paid, to the boatmen is one of the most angrily debated details of the expedition. Sumner and Hawkins, in their late attacks, charged Powell with turning them loose all but penniless at the mouth of the Virgin. As he points out in his May 24 letter to the Chicago Tribune Tribune, the only money he had for wages was obtained by commuting some of the meat ration into cash. The $75 he is said (Colorado River Controversies (Colorado River Controversies, p. 211) to have given Sumner, as well as the few dollars he distributed among the others, probably represented all he had beyond what was necessary to get himself and Walter back east. He gave the two remaining boats to Sumner, Hall, and Bradley. (See Stegner, "Jack Sumner and John Wesley Powell.") The whole controversy about wages seems to have arisen after Sumner got the erroneous impression that Powell had a government subsidy and was holding out on the men. That it was not something immediate and incurable, a result of the river trip itself, is indicated by the fact that Sumner would have gone on the 1871 expedition if deep snows had not held him up in Colorado, and by the further fact that Hawkins, the other irreconcilable, was for several years after 1870 a packer with Powell Survey parties in southern Utah. There are letters from him to Powell, dated as late as January, 1879, which show him full of friendship and camaraderie - and anxious for a continued job with the survey. Powell Survey, Letters Received, II, No. 33; IX, No. 240.

6 Otis Marston of Berkeley, California, an intense student of the Colorado River and its expeditions, is contemptuous of Powell's boats. It is impossible not to agree that the craft were clumsy, heavy, and ill suited to the actual conditions on the river, but it may be argued in defense of Powell that those conditions were not known when the party started from Green River. The relative importance of strength and maneuverability would have been easy to misjudge. Otis Marston of Berkeley, California, an intense student of the Colorado River and its expeditions, is contemptuous of Powell's boats. It is impossible not to agree that the craft were clumsy, heavy, and ill suited to the actual conditions on the river, but it may be argued in defense of Powell that those conditions were not known when the party started from Green River. The relative importance of strength and maneuverability would have been easy to misjudge.

7.

1 Eventually, steamers went upriver as far as the mouth of the Virgin. Eventually, steamers went upriver as far as the mouth of the Virgin.

2 I have put the Adams story together out of a number of sources: the reminiscences of Billy Hawkins, in W. W. Ba.s.s, I have put the Adams story together out of a number of sources: the reminiscences of Billy Hawkins, in W. W. Ba.s.s, Adventures in the Canyons of the Colorado Adventures in the Canyons of the Colorado - lively but unreliable; "Pet.i.tion of Samuel Adams praying compensation," Senate Miscellaneous Doc.u.ment No. 17, 41st Cong., 2nd Sess.; "The Colorado River Expeditions of Samuel Adams," House Miscellaneous Doc.u.ment No. 37, 42nd Cong., 1st Sess.; "Report submitted by Mr. Washburn for the Committee on Claims, February 17. 1875," Senate Report No. 662, 43rd Cong., 2nd Sess.; letters from R. M. McCormick to J. W. Powell, April 20, 1872, and from Powell to McCormick, same date, Powell Survey, Letters Received, I, Nos. 59-66, 67.; a collection of newspaper references noting Adams' activities at various times, kindly furnished me by Otis Marston of Berkeley, California; eleven letters from Adams to the San Francisco - lively but unreliable; "Pet.i.tion of Samuel Adams praying compensation," Senate Miscellaneous Doc.u.ment No. 17, 41st Cong., 2nd Sess.; "The Colorado River Expeditions of Samuel Adams," House Miscellaneous Doc.u.ment No. 37, 42nd Cong., 1st Sess.; "Report submitted by Mr. Washburn for the Committee on Claims, February 17. 1875," Senate Report No. 662, 43rd Cong., 2nd Sess.; letters from R. M. McCormick to J. W. Powell, April 20, 1872, and from Powell to McCormick, same date, Powell Survey, Letters Received, I, Nos. 59-66, 67.; a collection of newspaper references noting Adams' activities at various times, kindly furnished me by Otis Marston of Berkeley, California; eleven letters from Adams to the San Francisco Chronicle Chronicle beginning March 8, 1872; and Adams' own ma.n.u.script journal, which exists in two versions in the Henry E. Huntington Library. I have carefully examined and transcribed this journal and compared it with its printed version. It is contradictory and full of plain lies, which grow more extravagant with each editing. The letter from Powell to McCormick and the report of Senator Washburn for the Committee on Claims are basic doc.u.ments. The first especially summarizes all of Powell's contacts with Adams, establishes the fact that Hawkins' "young scientific duck" at Green River was the good captain, and disposes of Adams' "claims" point by point. beginning March 8, 1872; and Adams' own ma.n.u.script journal, which exists in two versions in the Henry E. Huntington Library. I have carefully examined and transcribed this journal and compared it with its printed version. It is contradictory and full of plain lies, which grow more extravagant with each editing. The letter from Powell to McCormick and the report of Senator Washburn for the Committee on Claims are basic doc.u.ments. The first especially summarizes all of Powell's contacts with Adams, establishes the fact that Hawkins' "young scientific duck" at Green River was the good captain, and disposes of Adams' "claims" point by point.

3 On d.i.c.kson, see Bernard DeVoto, On d.i.c.kson, see Bernard DeVoto, Across the Wide Missouri, Across the Wide Missouri, Chapter X; there is a short account of Gibson in Wallace Stegner, Chapter X; there is a short account of Gibson in Wallace Stegner, Mormon Country Mormon Country (Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1942), pp. 128-35. (Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1942), pp. 128-35.

4 Captain Johnson's activities on the lower Colorado are summarized in Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, Captain Johnson's activities on the lower Colorado are summarized in Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, The Romance of the Colorado River, The Romance of the Colorado River, pp. 144-55. The official account of the Ives expedition is the pp. 144-55. The official account of the Ives expedition is the Report upon the Colorado River of the West, explored in 1857 and 1858 Report upon the Colorado River of the West, explored in 1857 and 1858 (Washington, 1861). (Washington, 1861).

5 A copy of this letter, together with one from General Humphreys to Secretary of War Belknap and three from Adams to Congressman Austin Blair and J. I. Burns about his claims, is preserved with the Adams journal in the Huntington Library. A copy of this letter, together with one from General Humphreys to Secretary of War Belknap and three from Adams to Congressman Austin Blair and J. I. Burns about his claims, is preserved with the Adams journal in the Huntington Library.

6 Letter, J. W. Powell to R. M. McCormick, April 20, 1872. Powell Survey, Letters Sent, I, Nos. 59-66. Letter, J. W. Powell to R. M. McCormick, April 20, 1872. Powell Survey, Letters Sent, I, Nos. 59-66.

8.

1 The most recent and most authoritative accounts of the 1869 Powell expedition down the Colorado are Darrah, The most recent and most authoritative accounts of the 1869 Powell expedition down the Colorado are Darrah, Powell of the Colorado, Powell of the Colorado, and the and the Utah Historical Quarterly, Utah Historical Quarterly, XV (1947), in which most of the original doc.u.ments are published and to which several scholars, including Mr. Darrah and Dale L. Morgan, have contributed introductions and notes. The sources include the diary of George Y. Bradley, the partial diaries of Powell and Sumner, and letters of Powell, Walter Powell, and O. G. Howland. Mr. Darrah's account is based entirely upon these original sources; its weakness is that Mr. Darrah does not personally know the river and its canyons. In my own account I have utilized - some of them through his kindness - the sources known to Mr. Darrah, plus one that has come to light since the publication of Mr. Darrah's book. This is the first part of Jack Sumner's journal, covering the stretch from Green River to the mouth of the Uinta. Otis Marston, who discovered it in the files of a St. Louis newspaper, is properly the one to discuss it first. It is enough here to remark that it is rather fuller, and with more literary flourishes, than the long-known second half, and that it corroborates the Bradley journal and the Howland letters on the details of the wreck at Disaster Falls. None of the original journals indicates any of the wrangling, bad feeling, or failure of command that have been later charged against Powell by Sumner, Hawkins, Stanton, and others. Not even Sumner's does; his newly discovered journal, in fact, contradicts some of his later statements. XV (1947), in which most of the original doc.u.ments are published and to which several scholars, including Mr. Darrah and Dale L. Morgan, have contributed introductions and notes. The sources include the diary of George Y. Bradley, the partial diaries of Powell and Sumner, and letters of Powell, Walter Powell, and O. G. Howland. Mr. Darrah's account is based entirely upon these original sources; its weakness is that Mr. Darrah does not personally know the river and its canyons. In my own account I have utilized - some of them through his kindness - the sources known to Mr. Darrah, plus one that has come to light since the publication of Mr. Darrah's book. This is the first part of Jack Sumner's journal, covering the stretch from Green River to the mouth of the Uinta. Otis Marston, who discovered it in the files of a St. Louis newspaper, is properly the one to discuss it first. It is enough here to remark that it is rather fuller, and with more literary flourishes, than the long-known second half, and that it corroborates the Bradley journal and the Howland letters on the details of the wreck at Disaster Falls. None of the original journals indicates any of the wrangling, bad feeling, or failure of command that have been later charged against Powell by Sumner, Hawkins, Stanton, and others. Not even Sumner's does; his newly discovered journal, in fact, contradicts some of his later statements.

2 Beckwourth, in Beckwourth, in The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth (1856), says that he rescued General Ashley from this cataract, which he seems to have located either at the foot of Brown's Hole or at the mouth of Flaming Gorge - in Beckwourth's words, "where the river enters the Utah mountains." Actually, Ashley's journal, long supposed to be that of William Sublette, and now in the Missouri Historical Society archives, indicates that Ashley's near-drowning occurred in what Powell would name Split Mountain Canyon, and Beckwourth's own account indicates elsewhere that when Ashley's detachment ran the canyons of the Green, Beckwourth was clear over on the other side of the Uintas with Clyman's and then with Fitzpatrick's brigade. The whole story of the "Suck," as well as that of the rescue of Ashley, is fable based on hearsay, and its only purpose was the glorification of Beckwourth. (1856), says that he rescued General Ashley from this cataract, which he seems to have located either at the foot of Brown's Hole or at the mouth of Flaming Gorge - in Beckwourth's words, "where the river enters the Utah mountains." Actually, Ashley's journal, long supposed to be that of William Sublette, and now in the Missouri Historical Society archives, indicates that Ashley's near-drowning occurred in what Powell would name Split Mountain Canyon, and Beckwourth's own account indicates elsewhere that when Ashley's detachment ran the canyons of