[Footnote i-129: Cited in R. F. Jones, "Science and English Prose Style ...," _Publications of the Modern Language a.s.sociation_, XLV, 982 (Dec., 1930). On the backgrounds of literary theories underlying the sermons which Franklin heard, see scholarly studies such as Caroline F.

Richardson's _English Preachers and Preaching, 1640-1670_ (New York, 1928), and W. F. Mitch.e.l.l's _English Pulpit Oratory_ (New York, 1932).

From 1750 on, however, the Puritan clergy in America increasingly advocated a simple, clear, and easy style. See Howard M. Jones, "American Prose Style; 1700-1770," _Huntington Library Bulletin_, No. 6, 115-51 (Nov., 1934).]

[Footnote i-130: _History of the Royal Society ..._ (2d ed., London, 1702), 113.]

[Footnote i-131: R. F. Jones, _op. cit._, 989. Tillotson, whom Franklin suggested as a model worthy of emulation (_Writings_, II, 391), was "another great exponent of the new style" (R. F. Jones, _op. cit._, 1002).]

[Footnote i-132: L. M. MacLaurin (_Franklin's Vocabulary_, 21) also suggests Franklin's probable indebtedness to the Royal Society program.]

[Footnote i-133: O. Elton, _The Augustan Age_, 8-12.]

[Footnote i-134: A. O. Lovejoy, "The Parallel of Deism and Cla.s.sicism,"

_Modern Philology_, XXIX, 281-99 (Feb., 1932).]

[Footnote i-135: Franklin's friend Henry Pemberton, in his _View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_ (London, 1728), had said (pp. 2-3) that the Newtonian thirst for knowledge, especially of the causes of the operations of nature, had become "so general, that all men of letters, I believe, find themselves influenced by it."]

[Footnote i-136: _Writings_, II, 157.]

[Footnote i-137: _Ibid._, I, 37.]

[Footnote i-138: _Ibid._, I, ix.]

[Footnote i-139: _Ibid._, III, 121. For his demand that sculpture and music have "beautiful simplicity" of form see _ibid._, VII, 194; VIII, 578; IV, 210, 377-8, 381; V, 530; VIII, 94. On the basis of confusion of genres, Franklin disliked the opera.]

[Footnote i-140: _Ibid._, I, 41. See also X, 33, 51.]

[Footnote i-141: Miss MacLaurin's research has disclosed that Franklin's vocabulary (4,062 words, between 1722 and 1751) contained only 19 words which "were discovered to be pure 'Americanisms,' and of these, 6 are the names of herbs or gra.s.ses; 1 is derived from the name of an American university, and 1 from the name of an American state" (_op. cit._, 38-9).]

[Footnote i-142: Quoted in Bruce, _op. cit._, II, 439. Also see his letters to Noah Webster, _Writings_, I, 29; X, 75-6.]

[Footnote i-143: S. A. Leonard, _The Doctrine of Correctness in English Usage, 1700-1800_, 14.]

[Footnote i-144: See L. Richardson, _A History of Early American Magazines, 1741-1789_, index, for the vogue of Swift. In the library of the _New England Courant_, as early as 1722, there was a copy of _The Tale of a Tub_ (T. G. Wright, _Literary Culture in Early New England, 1620-1730_, 187-8). Franklin was probably indebted to the Dean for his prophecies of the death of t.i.tan Leeds (although he could have learned the use of this device from Defoe). In _Idea of the English School_ Franklin recommends Swift for use in the sixth cla.s.s (_Writings_, III, 28). His _Meditation on a Quart Mugg_ is undoubtedly derived from Swift's _Meditation upon a Broomstick_, each forced to undergo the indignities of a "dirty wench." In 1757 he made the acquaintance of Dr.

John Hawksworth, who in 1755 had edited Swift's works. It is likely that this friendly union may have helped to produce Franklin's 1773 masterpieces of caustic irony and the disarmingly effective hoaxes.

Variously he quotes (acknowledged and otherwise) bits from Swift's poetry and prose. See Herbert Davis's "Swift's View of Poetry," in _Studies In English by Members of University College, Toronto_ (1931), collected by M. W. Wallace.]

[Footnote i-145: _Writings_, III, 26.]

[Footnote i-146: To suggest that Franklin knew his Horace, see _ibid._, VI, 150; VIII, 148.]

[Footnote i-147: It seems unnecessary to extend a discussion of the didacticism inherent in Franklin's writing. Addison, and the ethical bent of neocla.s.sicism in general, impinging on a mind no small part of which was motivated by its Puritan heritage, help to account for Franklin's ethicism, a lifelong quality. References ill.u.s.trating his a.s.sumed role as _Censor Morum_ are: _Writings_, I, 37, 243; II, 4, 50, 101, 110-1, 117, 175. Franklin proposes not only to delight, but also, in the Jonsonian and Meredithian sense, to instruct through a mild catharsis brought about by holding up man's excesses and vagaries for ridicule. He is firm in distinguishing good writing by its "tendency to benefit the reader, by improving his virtue or his knowledge." Consonant with Horace's

"To teach--to please--comprise the poet's views, Or else at once to profit and amuse,"

and with Sidney's "to teach delightfully," Franklin's literary purpose included a basic ethical motivation.]

[Footnote i-148: _Writings_, I, 226.]

[Footnote i-149: _Ibid._, I, 42-3.]

[Footnote i-150: Fully aware "that I am no _Poet born_" (Bruce, _op.

cit._, II, 498), apparently agreeing with his father that poets "were generally beggars" (_Writings_ I, 240), Franklin allowed only that writing poetry may improve one's language. Yet _Dogood Paper_ No. VII and his estimate of Cowper (characterized by easiness in manner, correctness in language, clarity of expression, perspicuity, and justness of the sentiments) (_ibid._, VIII, 448-9), and the "Tears of Pleasure" he shed over Thomson, all suggest that he was not wholly blind to poetry. He hoped to see Philadelphia "become the Seat of the _American_ Muses" (_ibid._, II, 245, 110; IV, 181, 184; VI, 437).]

[Footnote i-151: A. Bosker, _Literary Criticism in the Age of Johnson_, 34. For important qualifications see the thorough study by Donald F.

Bond, "'Distrust' of Imagination in English Neo-Cla.s.sicism,"

_Philological Quarterly_, XIV, 54-69 (Jan., 1935). Those interested in considering Franklin with reference to contemporary literary theory will find full materials in J. W. Draper's _Eighteenth-Century English Aesthetics: A Bibliography_, and additions to it by R. S. Crane, _Modern Philology_, XXIX, 25 ff. (1931); W. D. Templeman, _ibid._, x.x.x, 309-16; R. D. Havens, _Modern Language Notes_, XLVII, 118-20 (1932).]

[Footnote i-152: _Writings_, II, 24.]

[Footnote i-153: _Ibid._, V, 182; also II, 43, and VIII, 128, 163, 604.]

[Footnote i-154: See G. S. Eddy, "Dr. Benjamin Franklin's Library,"

_Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. x.x.xIV, 206-26 (Oct., 1924).]

[Footnote i-155: See C. E. Jorgenson, "Benjamin Franklin and Rabelais,"

_Cla.s.sical Journal_, XXIX, 538-40 (April, 1934).]

[Footnote i-156: _The Travels of Cyrus._]

[Footnote i-157: _Independent Whig_ and _Cato's Letters_.]

[Footnote i-158: For an interesting summary of Franklin's references to the cla.s.sics, see R. M. Gummere, _op. cit._]

[Footnote i-159: Add to this, Franklin's use of the Swiftian hoax and complex irony. After writing _Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One_ (1773) he explained to a friend: "These odd ways of presenting Matters to the publick View sometimes occasion them to be more read, talk'd of, and more attended to" (_Writings_, VI, 137).

Parton observes that the _Edict of the King of Prussia_ "was the nine-days' talk of the kingdom." Raynal unsuspectingly used Franklin's _Polly Baker_, as an authentic doc.u.ment in his _Histoire ..._.

Franklin's _Exporting of Felons to the Colonies_, _The Sale of Hessians_, and _A Dialogue between Britain, France, Spain, Holland, Saxony, and America_ ill.u.s.trate these trenchant devices used to achieve a political purpose.]

[Footnote i-160: _Writings_, I, 49.]

[Footnote i-161: _The True Benjamin Franklin_, 158.]

[Footnote i-162: _Writings_, I, 239.]

[Footnote i-163: Smyth's note, _Writings_, VIII, 336.]

[Footnote i-164: _Writings_, I, 238.]

[Footnote i-165: _Writings_, X, 4 (to Mrs. Catherine Greene, March 2, 1789).]

[Footnote i-166: There were eight towns in the colonies which had presses when Franklin went into business for himself: Cambridge, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Annapolis, New London (Conn.), Woodbridge (N.

J.), and Williamsburg. See Isaiah Thomas, _The History of Printing in America_ (Worcester, 1810), II, _pa.s.sim_.]

[Footnote i-167: "A printer of first-rate eminence," according to Charles Henry Timperley's _A Dictionary of Printers and Printing_ (London, 1839), 714 note.]

[Footnote i-168: R. A. Austen Leigh, "William Strahan and His Ledgers,"

in _Transactions of the Bibliographical Society_, N. S. III, 286. For Strahan see also Spottiswoode & Co.'s _The Story of a Printing House, Being a Short Account of the Strahans and Spottiswoodes_ (London, 1911); and Timperley, _op. cit._, 754-6.]

[Footnote i-169: See G. S. Eddy, "Correspondence Between Dr. Benjamin Franklin and John Walter, Regarding the Logographic Process of Printing," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S.