and finally stabs herself.

To her faithful maid Sagandika she says--

"Tell them to think of Satiavati's fate, And oft the story of her love relate."

But Sagandika also kills herself.

"Then did their happy spirits wing their way To the fair regions of eternal day."

I conclude the episode by a quotation from the prose rendering given by Raffles, which keeps more exactly to the original, and gives a characteristically Eastern picture of heaven.

"The astonished spirit of Prince Salya quickly said--

"'Uneasy and impatient have I waited for thee among the clouds, with many widadaris, panditas, and diwas.'

"Having taken the princess in his arms, he returns with her by the road which leads to heaven.

"There arrived, they find it extremely beautiful.

"Of silk were the houses, and brilliant were the precious stones.

"Amusing herself, the princess was delighted with the abundance of food which was there.

"Great being the bounty of the Almighty to mankind. And there was no difference susceptible in the ages of those that were there."

[Footnote 25: I am indebted for this and the subsequent versions in the text to Raffles' "History of Java."]

[Footnote 26: Angels.]

I have already mentioned that among the Kavi poems are contained various ethical works. Of these the "Paniti Sastra," or Manual of Wisdom, will serve as an example. Raffles, in his account of this work, says that it contains one hundred and twenty-three stanzas, and that it is said to be contemporary with the Bharata Yuddha. Vreede, in his "Catalogue," says in a note,[27] "Winter mentions the 'Niti Sastra Kawi,' and as its author Prabu Vidayaka, in the time of Aji Saka." As Saka was the commencement of all things in Java, to refer the work to the time of Aji Saka, is practically to say that it is of unknown antiquity. It belongs to the second cla.s.s of _Tuturs_, or sacred writings, _i.e._ those which were not kept secret by the priests, but which might be read by other castes beside the Brahmans; and there are several versions and translations of it in modern Javanese. The following lines are taken from the Kavi text of this work:--

"As the suraya flower floats in the water, so does the heart exist in a pure body; but let it not be forgotten that the root of the flower holds to the ground, and that the heart of man depends upon his conduct in life.

"As the moon and the stars shed their light by night, and the sun giveth light by day, so should the sayings of a wise man enlighten all around him.

"Deprive not another of the credit which is due to him, nor lower him in the opinion of the world; for the sun, when he approaches near the moon, in depriving her of her light, adds nothing to his own l.u.s.tre."

[Footnote 27: Page 262.]

There is a modern Javanese version of the "Niti Sastra," of which the following pa.s.sages are specimens:--

"A man who is ignorant of the sacred writings, is as one who has lost his speech; for when these become the conversation of other men, he will be under the necessity of remaining silent.

"No man can be called good or bad until his actions prove him so.

"It is well known that a man cannot take the goods of this world with him to the grave, and that man, after this life, is punished with heaven or h.e.l.l, according to the merits of his actions in this life: a man's duty, therefore, requires him to remember that he must die; and if he has been merciful and liberal in this life to the poor, he will be rewarded hereafter."

One and the same principle governs the composition of the mythological and romantic literature of the Hindu epoch, and that of those somewhat similar works in modern Javanese composed after the Mohammedan conquest.

The authors of both alike set one main object before them--to exalt the reigning princes by identifying them with the heroes or princes of an anterior epoch; only in the case of the Kavi poems, this anterior epoch is fixed in the cloud-land of Hindu mythology, while after the Mohammedan conquest it becomes merely the preceding era of the Hindu supremacy in Java, which is used as a ladder by which the Hindu cloud-land may be reached. But the nature of the _babads_, or chronicles, the medium by which this object was subsequently effected, and the interesting question of their historical value, are subjects which I must reserve for the succeeding chapter.

CHAPTER XIV

WORKS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD.

Uncertainty about the history of the Hindu kingdoms given by the chronicles--Character of the _babad_, or chronicle--Its historical value--Brumund's treatment of the babads--Account of the babad "Mangku Nagara"-- Prose works--The Niti Praja--The Surya Ngalam-- Romances--The Johar Manikam--Dramatic works--The Panjis--Wayang plays--Arabic works and influence--The theatre--The wayang.

The works of the Mohammedan Javanese period include, in addition to translations and versions of all kinds both from the Kavi literature and the Arabic, romances, dramatic works, and plays, intended both for the theatre and the wayang, ethical and legal compilations, and, lastly, the _babads_, or chronicles. It will be convenient to consider these latter first; but before doing so it is necessary to revert for a moment to the historical account which I gave in my opening chapter. It will be remembered that in that account the two Hindu kingdoms of Pajajaran and Maj.a.pahit, respectively founded in the west and east of the island, were mentioned as being especially celebrated in the native chronicles. These chronicles, it is true, give us the names and dates of various earlier kingdoms, and a variety of information about their respective dynasties; but for all practical purposes the history of the Hindu period, as at present revealed, may be summed up in a sentence of Crawfurd. From the latter part of the twelfth century to the overthrow of Maj.a.pahit (1478), "a number of independent states existed in Java, and the religion of the people was a modified Hinduism." Antiquarian research further tells us that this series of Hindu states commenced in the centre of the island, and that it was closed by the western kingdom of Pajajaran, which existed as early as the first half of the eleventh century, and the eastern kingdom of Maj.a.pahit, which was itself succeeded by the first Mohammedan empire of Demak. Remains of the capital cities of both these Hindu kingdoms are in existence. Those of Pajajaran, which are to be found forty miles from Batavia, are exceedingly meagre, and appear to be the work of a primitive epoch. Those of Maj.a.pahit, close by Soerabaia, are numerous and magnificent.

But the chronicles which make these kingdoms the subject of their narratives were not composed until the Mohammedan period was well advanced; or, at least, if they had a previous existence, they were then remodelled under the direction of the susunans, or emperors. They have, therefore, to be regarded with considerable suspicion. In the case of the chronicles which relate contemporary events, we are on surer ground.

But such is the nature of the Javanese, and such the literary character of the babad, that even here we are by no means certain to meet with actual facts.

The babad is a poem composed in a common Javanese measure, which purports to give an account of historical persons and events.

Sometimes it relates the fortunes of empires; sometimes it degenerates into a mere genealogical tree. Every Javan "prince" has his "babad," in which the names of his ancestors and their deeds are recounted.

Remembering the fertility of the Eastern imagination, and the despotic character of Eastern rulers, it is easy to understand that such babads were more often than not reduced in point of veracity to the standard of an average fairy tale. M. Brumund, whose remarks on this subject are embodied in Leemans' work on the Boro-Boedoer temple, deals very severely with the babads. He cannot away with them, and goes near to denying their claims for credence altogether. But surely a distinction should be made between the family babad, which is altered to suit the whims of a single prince, and those babads which relate events affecting the interests of several competing princes, or in which no single prince is especially interested. The Homeric poems, we are told, were kept reasonably free from interpolations by the jealousy of the various h.e.l.lenic communities. May not an influence of the same kind have operated in Java, and have preserved some of these chronicles from corruption?

That the babad is capable of being approached from two different points of view is apparent from the following extracts, in which I have compared M. Brumund's treatment of a babad of only fifty years ago with Mr. Nieman's account of an earlier babad in the possession of the Royal Asiatic Society.

M. Brumund says--

"Let us take, for example, Dhipa Negoro, the chief of the revolt in Java, which lasted until 1830; well, the babad represents him to us as enveloped in the clouds of the supernatural. There he is, surrounded by hundreds of enemies; he is about to be captured, but he calls to his aid the miraculous power which is at his disposal, and this power causes him to pa.s.s freely, safe and sound, through the threatening host, who suffer him to pa.s.s in their amazement, and who dare not even lift a finger against him. Another day he gives orders to have some cocoa-nut trees felled, and to have them covered with a white flag; he sets himself to pray, the flag is removed, and behold, the cocoa-nut trees are changed into pieces of artillery of the finest casting. He needs counsel; forthwith he is carried through the air to the southern sh.o.r.e and to the great spirit of the south, only to return forthwith after the conference. He wishes to pray at Mecca; scarcely has he formed the wish before his person is found upon the borders of the city, and, as a proof that he has really been there, he carries off a cake from the sacred city, all smoking hot."

Mangku Nagara, who is the subject of the babad discussed by Mr. Nieman, was a Javan prince who played a leading part, first in the Chinese war of 1745, and afterwards in the revolt of the Javan princes against the Dutch and the reigning susunan, known as "the Java war," which lasted from the close of the Chinese war to the year 1758. In the latter he fought for some time in alliance with Mangku b.u.mi, a younger brother of the susunan. After a time, however, this personage made terms with the Dutch on his own account, and Mangku Nagara, thus deserted, was compelled to submit to the susunan, and accept a modified territory for his administration. It was in this war that the Dutch obtained the deed of abdication mentioned in Chapter I. from the Susunan Pakubuona II., in the year 1849. The conduct of the war cost the company more than four million florins, but at its termination they had secured the virtual control of the island.

Mr. Nieman first gives some particulars about the ma.n.u.script.[28] It is ent.i.tled, he says, the "Babad Mangku Nagara." Its date is 1802; it is written in metre; its language is modern Javanese, but it contains some Kavi words, and one whole pa.s.sage is written in the literary dialect. He then continues--

"Mangku Nagara is always depicted, not only as a brave and valiant, but also as a very religious man. His soldiers, and those of Mangku b.u.mi, who was at one time his ally, were steady adherents of the rites of Islam, so far as they were enabled to observe them, such as ablutions, prayer, the fast of Ramadan, and other practices of the Moslem. His confidence in the power of Allah, and his submission to his will when in distress, are praised, and his character is contrasted with that of the cruel Mangku b.u.mi, who put two of his wives to death for the most trifling offences, such as neglecting to offer him his coffee.

Mangku Nagara, on the contrary, is described as greatly attached to his wives and children, carefully providing for their safety, and visiting them at their places of concealment, whenever he could s.n.a.t.c.h a temporary interval from his duties as a warrior.

Attachment to his family, and attention to religious observances, seem to have been thought quite compatible with a strong attachment to the s.e.x generally; we find him at the village of Zamenang, engaged for two months in copying the Koran and other religious works, and yet frequently amusing himself with the Bedaya, or dancing girls, from whom he was unable to separate himself in his retirement. Mangku b.u.mi had the impudence to deprive him of two of these women, whom he had previously presented to him as a mark of kindness; and, although he subsequently restored one of them to Mangku Nagara, the prince could not pardon the offence. The one that Mangku b.u.mi did not restore appears to have been especially a favourite of Mangku Nagara, whose grief and resentment were aggravated by some other offences; and the Dutch Governor of Samarang took advantage of this disposition to urge him to forsake the cause of Mangku b.u.mi. His efforts were at first successful, and Mangku Nagara made peace with the Dutch, and declared war against Mangku b.u.mi; but this state of things did not continue long. War soon recommenced between the Dutch and Mangku Nagara, from some cause which does not fully appear. It is believed that the latter was unable to prevent his adherents from quarrelling with and attacking the Dutch; but the fact is, the Mangku b.u.mi, finding himself unable to resist the united forces of Mangku Nagara and of the Dutch, found means to effect a reconciliation with the latter, and by their mediation received from the Susunan Zaku Buwana nearly a half of the Empire of Mataram, a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of Sultan, and fixed his residence at Jotjokarta, the susunan residing at Solo, or Surakarta. This division of the empire took place in A.D. 1755. From this epoch the power of the unfortunate Mangku Nagara declined. Mangku b.u.mi made common cause with the Dutch and the susunan against him, and the desertion of several of his adherents, who now joined his relentless enemies, left him no rest. He was hunted from place to place like a wild beast, until he resolved, in his despair, to fall upon his numerous foes, in the persuasion that he should perish in the strife. Forty of his bravest friends joined in this resolution; their example encouraged the few troops who remained with him; they attacked their enemies with desperate courage, and unexpectedly gained a great victory. The Dutch were wholly defeated; nearly a hundred of them were left dead on the field of battle; and, better than all, his brave and indefatigable enemy, Van der Zoll, the Dutch commander, perished in the fight. Mangku Nagara's success, however, was not permanent; he was defeated in the next battle, and, although the war continued with varying success, sometimes to the advantage of one side, and sometimes of the other, his cause gradually declined. It was a guerilla war; Mangku Nagara was now flying to the mountains of Kerdenz, and now issuing forth to fall upon and hara.s.s his enemies; but upon the whole his losses were predominant, and the ma.n.u.script ends with an account of the peace he was compelled to submit to, and the conditions on which it was concluded. All this may be read in Raffles' "History."

[Footnote 28: _Journal of the R. A. S._ xx. 1863.]

The existence of such babads as this of Mangku Nagara would seem to point to the conclusion that a consecutive and reliable account of the Hindu period could be produced by careful sifting and comparison of the various babads dealing with this epoch. For this purpose they require to be examined by the methods of scientific history, and the results thus obtained must be checked by the faithful records of the antiquarian remains.

Among the prose works in modern Javanese, two, the "Niti Praja"

and the "Surya Ngalam," are especially interesting as throwing light upon Javanese customs and thought. The former is one of a number of similar works, containing rules of conduct and instructions on points of Eastern etiquette especially intended for the information of the princes and n.o.bility.

It is said to have been "compiled" by the Sultan Agung of Mataram.

According to Vreede, the language of the "Niti Praja" is not Kavi, but it is written in the "stiff and artificial language common to the ethical treatises." The following pa.s.sages are taken from translations which appear in Raffles' account of the work:--

"A good prince must protect his subjects against all unjust persecutions and oppressions, and should be the light of his subjects, even as the sun is the light of the world. His goodness must flow clear and full like the mountain stream, which, in its course towards the sea, enriches and fertilizes the land as it descends.

"When a prince gives audience to the public, his conduct must be dignified. He must sit upright, and not in a bending posture, and say little, neither looking on one side or the other, because, in this case, the people would not have a sight of him."

The following paragraph, which deals with the duty of a prime minister, is conceived in a spirit more suitable for the court of a const.i.tutional monarch than for that of an Eastern potentate.