6. He stipulates that the Greeks should have the power of declining him, _le soussigne_, as their Prince.

A guarantee there will probably be, and therefore the alteration of boundaries, which Leopold knew could not be listened to, is in fact unnecessary.

Each power separately and individually may use its good offices with the Porte for the protection of the Greeks in Samos and Candia, and indeed, under the agreement as to an amnesty, each would be bound to do so; but no triple agreement will be entered into, the object being to get out of the Treaty of July 6.

Aberdeen seemed disposed to allow 1,000 men of each of the three Powers to go to Greece. This would continue the triple action, and as these troops would go, not against any external enemy, but against Greeks, the measure would be somewhat in contradiction to the declaration the other night that the Greeks and their Prince might make what Government they pleased. After some conversation it seemed the general opinion that it would be better to pay the cost of the troops than to have our own there, and in fact the same money would enable Greece to have twice the number of Germans or Swiss that she could have of British. This I thought. But I suggested that Greece could not want a large sum down. A sum might be required for outfit, but then an annual sum. Peel proposed the whole loan guaranteed should be 700,000, of which 100,000 to be paid down as outfit, and then 100,000 a year for six years at 5 per cent; the three Powers guaranteeing each a third part of the interest. It is better to guarantee the loan, then to pay money down. The loan, they say, can be made at three. Aberdeen says the Greeks give a most flourishing expose of their future finances, and he thinks they will become a rich State, and the Powers be exposed to no danger of being called upon for the payment of the interest. I think he begins to love his Greek progeny.

The Duke only desired we would get out of the treaty. I suggested the inexpediency of our joining in the guarantee. A guarantee gave no right of intervention we should not otherwise possess, and it obliged us to interfere when we might not desire to do so. However, I fear there will be a guarantee.

_February 16._

Cabinet. There seems to be little doubt that the Emperor Pedro means to direct an expedition from Rio against Portugal, Terceira being the point of _ra.s.semblement_. This is a practical answer to the question recently put by us conjointly with France and Austria as to the intentions of the Emperor, and therefore we are at liberty to act as if a specific answer had been received. It seems Austria will be very unwilling to recognise Don Miguel; France not.

The object of recognising him is to prevent a revolutionary war in Portugal and the entrance of Spanish troops into Portugal to oppose it.

Whenever Miguel is recognised, I think Lord Rosslyn will be made Master- General of the Ordnance, Lord Beresford going to Portugal as Minister, and then the Privy Seal will be disposable. I dare say the Duke, out of good nature, will offer it to Lord Westmoreland.

Aberdeen read the remonstrance he proposed sending to Spain against the proposed expedition to Mexico.

Leopold met the Plenipotentiaries, and Aberdeen thinks he would have acceded, but he evidently required the sanction of another person. The French Amba.s.sador used very strong language, telling him his Court would be very much hurt indeed at finding him make these difficulties after all that had pa.s.sed, &c.

Peel told me he was disposed to grant the motion for any correspondence between the Board of Control or any member of it, &c., with a direct negative. To move the previous question was an admission of some error. I was telling him the circ.u.mstances when it was necessary to attend to Aberdeen's business. I must tell him to-morrow.

_February 17._

At the Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's, talked to Peel and gave him a copy of the report of the Privy Council and of my letter to Sir J. Grant.

He is disposed to take a high tone, and thinks men will follow him better when he does than when he temporises. I am sure they will.

He says he would reduce everything so low as not to be beat upon establishments. If he is beat upon unimportant questions he does not care, and will not go out. They will not get a majority for stopping supplies, and if they can agree upon motions, he is prepared to play the game of '83 [Footnote: Alluding to Pitt's course at the beginning of his first Ministry. He retained office a whole Session in spite of the motions carried against him, and in the general election of 1784 obtained an overwhelming majority.] with them. I am sure he is right.

_February 18._

House. First a question from Lord Holland whether the orders to the Admiral respecting Greek slaves, &c., would, after the settlement of Greece, apply to Candiot Greeks. Then Lord Melbourne's motion for Portuguese papers. He did not speak well--but very bitterly. G.o.derich spoke pathetically against the Terceira affair--Lord Wharncliffe well with us--Lansdowne wide and loose--the Duke very excellent--Aberdeen worse than usual, and very imprudent, abusing Miguel and making awkward admissions.

It was quite established that Canning had nothing to say to the Portuguese Const.i.tution, and I think we shall hear no more of Terceira. Fifty-two to twenty-one--no proxies.

_February 19._

Cabinet. Leopold's answer. He wants troops and money. After long talk it was resolved the French troops might stay a year, till he could raise others, and money should be given.

_February 20, 1830._

In riding with Lord Rosslyn had a long conversation with him upon Indian matters. He had just been reading the despatches from Lord Stuart and Lord Heytesbury upon these subjects. I told him I had antic.i.p.ated all Lord H.

suggested and had done, I really thought, all that could be done. I am to send him the secret letter. He thinks, as I do, that Aberdeen is in a great hurry to get rid of the Greek question, and disposed to incur future embarra.s.sments to avoid present inconvenience.

Lord Rosslyn does not much like the division of last night, but I believe it was a good one.

_February 21._

This morning looked through the finance accounts of the three years, ending 1819, and the three ending 1828, with a view to comparing the state of the country with what it was before Peel's Bill. The increased consumption is astonishing. The increase of British tonnage and in the number of seamen since 1819 is equal to the whole tonnage and to all the seamen in the foreign trade with Great Britain, although that is increased nearly in the same proportion with our own.

The increased consumption of tea and coffee is 50 per cent. The number of pounds in 1819 being about 30,000,000 of pounds, and now 45,000,000 pounds.

The import of foreign raw produce is much increased--of that produce which competes with the landed produce of England.

Hardinge called. He thinks the Government quite safe now. Indeed, he never had much apprehension. He regrets Sir James Graham's divergence from the road which leads to office. He thinks he came up to London intending well; but that he thought under present circ.u.mstances he could be a more considerable man out of office than he would be in a subordinate situation.

The Duke of Northumberland says the salary of the Lord-Lieutenant may well be reduced to 20,000 a year.

_February 24._

Lord Rosslyn, who called upon me at the office, thinks I may go a little too far in my directions with regard to Russian spies, that is, in a public despatch. I had directed that if it appeared danger was likely to arise from their return to Europe or from their pa.s.sage into any Asiatic country, their persons should be placed under restraint, and in all cases their papers and letters got possession of. He suggests that this might be mentioned in a private letter, or left to the discretion of the Local Governments.

We had a long conversation on Lord Stanhope's motion for to-morrow, when Whigs and Tories are to combine to beat us.

The division last night in the House of Commons on Lord J. Russell's motion for giving two members to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, was not satisfactory. There were 140 for it, and only 188 against it. The Tories stayed away.

_February 25._

House at 4 and until 2. Lord Stanhope's motion for a Committee of the whole House on the internal state of the country. He made a weak speech, because to get votes he abstained from stating the cause of distress, which in his opinion is currency, or any remedy. G.o.derich and Lansdowne made good speeches. Rosebery not a bad one, though as usual pompous. All suggesting some remedies--all for reducing taxation, but against a Committee of the House. Lord Radnor made a good vulgar speech. King spoke better than usual.

He proposed, but afterwards withdrew, an amendment for a Committee upstairs. The Duke, who alone spoke on our side, did not speak well, and some of his statements were hazardous. Lords Darnley and Bute declared there was no distress near them.

We divided well. There being but fifteen present for Lord Stanhope's motion, and ten proxies.

_February 26._

Chairs at 11. Went over with them the letter on Batta.

Lord Wharncliffe intends on Tuesday to propose examining the Chairman of the East Indian Company.

_February 27._

Wrote a note to Loch to tell him of Lord Wharncliffe's intention. He does not like the idea at all, and wishes to see me before the Committee sits. I have named Monday at eleven. I told him my feeling was against his being examined, as I thought it unfair; besides, he was not the best witness. I told Lord Wharncliffe he should examine Lord Amherst.

At the Cabinet room I attempted to read the papers respecting Irish education. My opinion is that it would be better to let the matter rest for the present; the agitation of it may revive animosities, and if any good be attainable, it may be attained at a more favourable period than the present. I rather doubt whether it might not be yet more safely left to the people themselves, as education in England and in Scotland.

_March 1._