He was a native of Geneva, a successful banker, and a man who had won the confidence of the nation. He found means to restore the finances, and to defray the expenses of the American war. But he was equally opposed by the n.o.bles, who wanted no radical reform, and he was not a man of sufficient talent to stem the current of revolution. Financial skill was certainly desirable, but no financiering could save the French nation on the eve of bankruptcy with such vast expenditures as then were deemed necessary. The n.o.bles indeed admitted the extent of the evils which existed, and descanted, on their hunting parties, in a strain of mock philanthropy, but would submit to no sacrifices themselves, and Necker was compelled to resign.

M. de Calonne took his place; a man of ready invention, unscrupulous, witty, and brilliant. Self-confident and full of promises, he succeeded in imparting a gleam of sunshine, and pursued a plan directly the opposite to that adopted by Necker. He encouraged the extravagance of the court, derided the future, and warded off pressing debts by contracting new ones. He pleased all cla.s.ses by his captivating manners, brilliant conversation, and elegant dress. The king, furnished with what money he wanted, forgot the burdens of the people, and the minister went on recklessly contracting new loans, and studiously concealing from the public the extent of the annual deficit.

But such a policy could not long be adopted successfully, and the people were overwhelmed with amazement when it finally appeared that, since the retirement of Necker in 1781, Calonne had added sixteen hundred and forty-six millions of francs to the public debt. National bankruptcy stared every body in the face. It was necessary that an extraordinary movement should be made; and Calonne recommended the a.s.sembling of the Notables, a body composed chiefly of the n.o.bility, clergy, and magistracy, with the hope that these aristocrats would consent to their own taxation.

He was miserably mistaken. The Notables met, (1787,) the first time since the reign of Henry IV., and demanded the dismissal of the minister, who was succeeded by Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse.

He was a weak man, and owed his elevation to his influence with women.

He won the queen by his pleasing conversation, but had no solid acquirements. Occupying one of the highest positions in his church, he yet threw himself into the arms of atheistical philosophers. A man so inconsistent and so light was not fit for his place.

However, the Notables agreed to what they had refused to Calonne. They consented to a land tax, to the stamp duty, to provincial a.s.semblies, and to the suppression of the gratuitous service of va.s.sals. These were popular measures, but were insufficient. Brienne was under the necessity of proposing the imposition of new taxes. But the Parliament of Paris refused to register the edict. A struggle between the king and the parliament resulted; and the king, in order to secure the registration of new taxes, resorted to the _bed of justice_--the last stretch of his royal power.

[Sidenote: States General.]

During one of the meetings of the parliament, when the abuses and prodigality of the court were denounced, a member, punning upon the word _etats_, (statements,) exclaimed, "It is not statements but States General that we want."

From that moment, nothing was thought of or talked about but the a.s.sembling of the States General; to which the minister, from his increasing embarra.s.sments, consented. Moreover, the court hoped, in view of the continued opposition of the parliament, that the Tiers etat would defend the throne against the legal aristocracy.

All cla.s.ses formed great and extravagant expectations from the a.s.sembling of the States General, and all were doomed to disappointment, but none more than those who had most vehemently and enthusiastically called for its convocation.

The Archbishop of Toulouse soon after retired, unable to stem the revolutionary current. But he contrived to make his own fortune, by securing benefices to the amount of eight hundred thousand francs, the archbishopric of Sens, and a cardinal's hat. At his recommendation Necker was recalled.

On Necker's return, he found only two hundred and fifty thousand francs in the royal treasury; but the funds immediately rose, thirty per cent., and he was able to secure the loans necessary to carry on the government, rich capitalists fearing that absolute ruin would result unless they came to his a.s.sistance.

Then followed discussions in reference to the Tiers etat, as to what the third estate really represented, and as to the number of deputies who should be called to the a.s.sembly of the States General. "The Tiers etat," said the Abbe Sieyes, in an able pamphlet, "is the French nation, _minus_ the n.o.blesse and the clergy."

It was at last decided that the a.s.sembly should be at least one thousand, and that the number of deputies should equal the representatives of the n.o.bles and clergy. The elections, were carelessly conducted, and all persons, decently dressed, were allowed to vote. Upwards of three millions of electors determined the choice of deputies. Necker conceded too much, and opened the flood-gates of revolution. He had no conception of the storm, which was to overwhelm the throne.

On the 4th of May, 1789, that famous a.s.sembly, which it was hoped would restore prosperity to France, met with great pomp in the cathedral church of Notre Dame, and the Bishop of Nancy delivered the sermon, and, the next day, the a.s.sembly was opened in the hall prepared for the occasion. The king was seated on a magnificent throne, the n.o.bles and the clergy on both sides of the hall, and the third estate at the farther end. Louis XVI. p.r.o.nounced a speech full of disinterested sentiments, and Necker read a report in reference to the state of the finances.

[Sidenote: The Tiers etat.]

The next day, the deputies of the Tiers etat were directed to the place allotted to them, which was the common hall. The n.o.bles and clergy repaired to a separate hall. It was their intention, especially in view of the great number of the deputies, to deliberate in distinct halls. But the deputies insisted upon the three orders deliberating together in the same room. Angry discussions and conferences took place. But there was not sufficient union between the n.o.bles and the clergy, or sufficient energy on the part of the court. There happened also to be some bold and revolutionary spirits among the deputies, and they finally resolved, by a majority of four hundred and ninety-one to ninety, to a.s.sume the t.i.tle of _National a.s.sembly_, and invited the members of the other chamber to join them. They erected themselves into a sovereign power, like the Long Parliament of Charles I., disregarding both the throne and the n.o.bility.

Some of the most resolute of the n.o.bles urged the king to adopt vigorous measures against the usurpation of the third estate; but he was timid and irresolute.

The man who had, at that time, the greatest influence in the National a.s.sembly was Mirabeau, a man of n.o.ble birth, but who had warmly espoused the popular side. He was disagreeable in his features, licentious in his habits, and a bankrupt in reputation, but a man of commanding air, of great abilities, and unrivalled eloquence. His picture has been best painted by Carlyle, both in his essays and his history of the revolution.

The National a.s.sembly contained many great men, who would never have been heard of in quiet times; some of great virtues and abilities, and others of the most violent revolutionary principles. There were also some of the n.o.bility, who joined them, not antic.i.p.ating the evils which were to come. Among them were the Dukes of Orleans, Rochefoucault, and Liancourt, Count Lally Tollendal, the two brothers Lameth, Clermont Tonnerre, and the Marquis de La Fayette, all of whom were guillotined or exiled during the revolution.

[Sidenote: Commotions.]

The discussions in the a.s.sembly did not equal the tumults of the people. All cla.s.ses were intoxicated with excitement, and believed that a new era was to take place on earth; that all the evils which afflicted society were to be removed, and a state of unbounded liberty, plenty, and prosperity, was about to take place.

In the midst of the popular ferments, the regiment of guards, comprising three thousand six hundred men, revolted: immense bodies of workmen a.s.sembled together, and gave vent to the most inflammatory language; the Hotel of the Invalids was captured; fifty thousand pikes were forged and distributed among the people; the Bastile was stormed; and military ma.s.sacres commenced. Soon after, the tricolored c.o.c.kade was adopted, the French guards were suppressed by the a.s.sembly, the king and his family were brought to Paris by a mob, and the Club of the Jacobins was established. Before the year 1789 was ended, the National a.s.sembly was the supreme power in France, and the king had become a shadow and a mockery; or, rather, it should be said that there was no authority in France but what emanated from the people, and no power remained to suppress popular excesses and insurrections.

The a.s.sembly published proclamations against acts of violence; but it was committed in a contest with the crown and aristocracy, and espoused the popular side. A famine, added to other horrors, set in at Paris; and the farmers, fearing that their grain would be seized, no longer brought it to market. Manufactures of all kinds were suspended, and the public property was confiscated to supply the immediate wants of a starving and infuriated people. A state was rapidly hastening to universal violence, crime, misery, and despair.

[Sidenote: Rule of the People.]

The year 1790 opened gloomily, and no one could tell when the agitating spirit would cease, or how far it would be carried, for the mob of Paris was rapidly engrossing the power of the state. One of the first measures of the a.s.sembly was to divest the provinces of France of their ancient privileges, since they were jealous of the sovereignty exercised by the a.s.sembly, and to divide the kingdom into eighty-four new departments, nearly equal in extent and population. A criminal tribunal was established for each department and a civil court for each of the districts into which the department was divided.

The various officers and magistrates were elected by the people, and the qualification for voting was a contribution to the amount of three days' labor. By this great stop, the whole civil force in the kingdom was placed at the disposal of the lower cla.s.ses. They had the nomination of the munic.i.p.ality, and the control of the military, and the appointment of judges, deputies, and officers of the National Guard. Forty-eight thousand communes, or munic.i.p.alities, exercised all the rights of sovereignty, and hardly any appointment was left to the crown. A complete democratic const.i.tution was made, which subverted the ancient divisions of the kingdom, and all those prejudices and interests which had been nursed for centuries. The great extension of the electoral franchise introduced into the a.s.sembly a cla.s.s of men who were prepared to make the most impracticable changes, and commit the most violent excesses.

The next great object of the a.s.sembly was the regulation of the finances. Further taxation was impossible, and the public necessities were great. The revenue had almost failed, and the national debt had alarmingly increased,--twelve hundred millions in less than three years. The capitalists would advance nothing, and voluntary contributions had produced but a momentary relief. Under these circ.u.mstances, the spoliation of the church was resolved, and Talleyrand, Bishop of Autun, was the first to propose the confiscation of the property of his order. The temptation was irresistible to an infidel and revolutionary a.s.sembly; for the church owned nearly one half of the whole landed property of the kingdom. Several thousand millions of francs were confiscated, and the revenues of the clergy reduced to one fifth of their former amount.

This violent measure led to another. There was no money to pay for the great estates which the a.s.sembly wished to sell. The munic.i.p.alities of the large cities became the purchasers, and gave promissory notes to the public creditors until payment should be made; supposing that individuals would buy in small portions. Sales not being effected by the munic.i.p.alities, as was expected and payment becoming due, recourse was had to government bills. Thus arose the system of _a.s.signats_, which were issued to a great amount on the security of the church lands, and which resulted in a paper circulation, and the establishment of a vast body of small landholders, whose property sprung out of the revolution, and whose interests were identified with it. The relief, however great, was momentary. New issues were made at every crisis, until the over issue alarmed the reflecting portion of the community, and a.s.signats depreciated to a mere nominal value. At the close of the year, the credit of the nation was destroyed, and the precious metals were withdrawn, in a great measure, from circulation.

Soon after, the a.s.sembly abolished all t.i.tles of n.o.bility, changed the whole judicial system, declared its right to make peace and war, and established the National Guard, by which three hundred thousand men were enrolled in support of revolutionary measures.

[Sidenote: National Federation.]

On the 14th of July, the anniversary of the capture of the Bastile, was the celebrated National Federation, when four hundred thousand persons repaired to the Champ de Mars, to witness the king, his ministers, the a.s.sembly, and the public functionaries, take the oath to the new const.i.tution; the greatest mockery of the whole revolution, although a scene of unparalleled splendor.

Towards the close of the year, an extensive emigration of the n.o.bles took place; a great blunder on their part, since their estates were immediately confiscated, and since the forces left to support the throne were much diminished. The departure of so many distinguished persons, however, displeased the a.s.sembly, and proposals were made to prevent it. But Mirabeau, who, until this time, had supported the popular side, now joined the throne, and endeavored to save it. His popularity was on the decline, when a natural death relieved him from a probable execution. He had contributed to raise the storm, but he had not the power to allay it. He exerted his splendid abilities to arrest the revolution, whose consequences, at last, he plainly perceived. But in vain. His death, however, was felt as a public calamity, and all Paris a.s.sembled to see his remains deposited, with extraordinary pomp, in the Pantheon, by the side of Des Cartes. Had he lived, he might possibly have saved the lives of the king and queen, but he could not have prevented the revolution.

[Sidenote: Flight of the King.]

Soon after, the royal family, perceiving, too late, that they were mere prisoners in the Tuileries, undertook to escape, and fly to Coblentz, where the great body of emigrants resided. The unfortunate king contrived to reach Varennes, was recognized, and brought back to Paris. But the National a.s.sembly made a blunder in not permitting him to escape; for it had only to declare the throne vacant by his desertion, and proceed to inst.i.tute a republican government. The crime of regicide might have been avoided, and further revolutionary excesses prevented. But his return increased the popular ferments, and the clubs demanded his head. He was suspended from his functions, and a guard placed over his person.

On the 29th of September, 1791, the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly dissolved itself; having, during the three years of its existence enacted thirteen hundred and nine laws and decrees relative to the general administration of the state. It is impossible, even now, to settle the question whether it did good or ill, on the whole; but it certainly removed many great and glaring evils, and enacted many wise laws. It abolished torture, the _lettres de cachet_, the most oppressive duties, the privileges of the n.o.bility, and feudal burdens. It established a uniform system of jurisprudence, the National Guards, and an equal system of finance. "It opened the army to men of merit, and divided the landed property of the aristocracy among the laboring cla.s.ses; which, though a violation of the rights of property, enabled the nation to bear the burdens which were subsequently imposed, and to prosper under the evils connected with national bankruptcy, depreciated a.s.signats, the Reign of Terror, the conscription of Napoleon, and the subjugation of Europe."

The Legislative a.s.sembly, composed of inexperienced men,--country attorneys and clerks for the most part, among whom there were not fifty persons possessed of one hundred pounds a year,--took the place of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly, and opened its sittings on the 1st of October.

In the first a.s.sembly there was a large party attached to royal and aristocratical interests, and many men of great experience and talents. But in the second nearly all were in favor of revolutionary principles. They only differed in regard to the extent to which revolution should be carried.

The members of the right were called the _Feuillants_, from the club which formed the centre of their power, and were friends of the const.i.tution, or the limited monarchy which the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly had established. The national guard, the magistrates, and all the const.i.tuted authorities, were the supporters of this party.

[Sidenote: The Girondists and the Jacobins.]

The _Girondists_, comprehending the more respectable of the republicans, and wishing to found the state on the model of antiquity, formed a second party, among whom were numbered the ablest men in the a.s.sembly. Brissot, Vergniaud, Condorcet, Guadet, and Isnard, were among the leading members.

There was also a third party, headed by Chabot, Bazin, and Merlin, which was supported by the clubs of the _Jacobins_ and the _Cordeliers_. The great oracles of the Jacobins were Robespierre, Varennes, and Collot d'Herbois; while the leaders of the Cordeliers were Danton and Desmoulins. Robespierre was excluded, as were others of the last a.s.sembly, from the new one, by a sort of self-denying ordinance which he himself had proposed. His influence, at that time, was immense, from the extravagance of his opinions, the vehemence of his language, and the reputation he had acquired for integrity.

Between these three parties there were violent contentions, and the struggle for ascendency soon commenced, to end in the complete triumph of the Jacobinical revolutionists.

In the mean time, the restrictions imposed on the king, who still enjoyed the shadow of authority, the extent of popular excesses, and the diffusion of revolutionary principles, induced the leading monarchs of Europe to confederate together, in order to suppress disturbances in France. In July, the Emperor Leopold appealed to the sovereigns of Europe to unite for the deliverance of Louis XVI.

Austria collected her troops, the emigrants at Coblentz made warlike demonstrations, and preparations were made for a contest, which, before it was finished, proved the most b.l.o.o.d.y and extensive which has desolated the world since the fall of the Roman empire.

The Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly rejected with disdain the dictation of the various European powers; and the new ministry, of which Dumourier and Roland were the most prominent members, prepared for war. All cla.s.ses in France were anxious for it, and war was soon declared. On the 25th of July, the Duke of Brunswick, with an army of one hundred and forty-eight thousand Prussians, Austrians, and Hessians, entered the French territory. The spirit of resistance animated all cla.s.ses, and the ardor of the mult.i.tude was without a parallel. The manifesto of the allied powers indicated the dispositions of the court and emigrants. Revolt against the throne now seemed necessary, in order to secure the liberty of the people, who now had no choice between victory and death. On the 25th of July, the Ma.r.s.eillais arrived in Paris, and augmented the strength and confidence of the insurgents.

Popular commotions increased, and the clubs became unmanageable. On the 10th of August, the tocsin sounded, the _generale_ beat in every quarter of Paris, and that famous insurrection took place which overturned the throne. The Hotel de Ville was seized by the insurgents, the Tuileries was stormed, and the Swiss guards were ma.s.sacred. The last chance for the king to regain his power was lost, and Paris was in the hands of an infuriated mob.

The confinement of the king in the Temple, the departure of the foreign amba.s.sadors, the flight of emigrants, the confiscation of their estates, the ma.s.sacres in the prisons, the sack of palaces, the fall and flight of La Fayette, and the dissolution of the Legislative a.s.sembly, rapidly succeeded.

[Sidenote: The National Convention.]

On the 21st of September, the National Convention was opened, and was composed of the most violent advocates of revolution. It was ruled by those popular orators who had the greatest influence in the clubs. The most influential of these leaders were Danton, Marat, and Robespierre.

Danton was the hero of the late insurrection; was a lawyer, a man of brutal courage, the slave of sensual pa.s.sions, and the idol of the Parisian mob. He was made minister of justice, and was the author of the subsequent ma.s.sacres in the prisons. But, with all his ferocity, he was lenient to individuals, and recommended humanity after the period of danger had pa.s.sed.

[Sidenote: Marat--Danton--Robespierre.]