"We lay on our Arms all the night of the 13th September.

"Friday, 14th September.--We got ash.o.r.e our tents and encamped our Regiment on the ground where they fought the battle yesterday. He[re] we are within reach of the guns of the town.

"Sat.u.r.day, 15th September.--We were ordered to move our Camp nigh the wood, at a greater distance from the Town. We are making advanced redoubts within five hundred yards of the town."

Such is Fraser's account of the struggle on the Plains of Abraham and of the conduct of the Highlanders in their first pitched battle in North America. The resolute preparations to attack Quebec produced their effect. On September 18th the fortress surrendered. A little later the army broke up the camp outside the walls and marched into the town. The outlook was certainly not cheerful: "Most of the houses are destroyed and we have but a very dismal prospect for seven or eight months, as fresh provisions are very scarce, and every other thing exorbitantly dear." A little later the fleet sailed away and General Murray with a small force was left in a hostile country to hold Quebec through a long and bitterly cold winter. He established two out-posts, one at Ste. Foy, the other at Lorette, and then the army bent all its energies to meet the foes, cold, disease and the French. Fighting the cold was terrible work. Fraser writes:

"December 1st.--The Governor ordered two weeks wood to be issued to the Garrison. It is thought we shall have a great deal of difficulty in supplying ourselves with fuel this winter. The winter is now very severe.

"December 20th.--The winter is become almost insupportably cold. The men are notwithstanding obliged to drag all the wood used in the Garrison on sledges from St. Foy, about four miles distance. This is a very severe duty; the poor fellows do it however with great spirit, tho' several of them have already lost the use of their fingers and toes by the incredible severity of the frost, and the country people tell us it is not yet at the worst. Some men on sentry have been deprived of speech and sensation in a few minutes, but hitherto, no person has lost his life, as care is taken to relieve them every half hour or oftener when the weather is very severe. The Garrison in general are but indifferently cloathed, but our regiment in particular is in a pitiful situation having no breeches, and the Philibeg is not all calculated for this terrible climate. Colonel Fraser is doing all in his power to provide trowsers for them, and we hope soon to be on a footing with other Regiments in that respect.

"January, 1760.--Nothing remarkable during this month. The duty is very severe on the poor men; we mount every day a guard of about one hundred men, and the whole off duty with a subaltern officer from each Regiment are employed in dragging fire wood; tho' the weather is such that they are obliged to have all covered but their eyes, and nothing but the last necessity obliged any men to go out of doors."

Early in February the St. Lawrence froze over. On February 13th the British established a force in the Church at St. Joseph at Point Levi but it was attacked by the French and then, on February 24th, Murray sent a rescue party. The Highlanders and the 28th went across on the ice and nearly intercepted the retreat of the French force, which was driven off. The kilted Highlanders marching on the ice in the bitter winter weather make an interesting picture. But by this time, no doubt, they were not bare-legged!

Towards the end of March there was much illness and Fraser writes: "The Scurvy, occasioned by salt provisions and cold, has begun to make fierce havock in the garrison, and it becomes every day more general. In short, I believe there is scarce a man of the Army entirely free from it." On the 24th of April he writes again: "Great havock amongst the Garrison occasioned by the Scurvy, &c.; this is the more alarming, as the General seems certain that the French are preparing to come and attack the place, and will he says, be here in a very few days."

Of the garrison of 5653 no less than 2312 were on the sick list, when, on the 26th, came the great crisis of the defence of Quebec:

"On the night of the 26th April, a man of the French army who, with some others had been cast away in a boat that night, came down the river on a piece of ice, and being taken up next morning at the Town, gave the General information that the chevalier de Levi [Levis] was within twenty miles of us, with an army of about twelve thousand men, made up of regulars, Canadians and savages.

"27th April, 1760.--The Governor marched out, with the Grenadiers and Piquets of the garrison, to support the Light Infantry which had taken post some days before near Cap Rouge. By the time he got out, the vanguard of the French army appeared; upon which, he thought it adviseable to withdraw the Light Infantry, and all the other outposts, and retire to Town; and for that purpose he sent orders to the 28th, 47th and 58th and Colonel Fraser's Regiment to march out to St. Foy and cover his retreat; the 35th Regiment, 2nd Battalion Royal Americans having been detached in the morning to prevent the enemy, in case they attempted to land at Sillery or any other place near the Town. The retreat was accordingly effected without any loss, tho' the enemy were so nigh as to skirmish with our rear till we got within half a league of the Ramparts.

"On the 28th April, 1760, about eight o'clock in the morning, the whole Garrison, exclusive of the Guards, was drawn up on the parade, and about nine o'clock we marched out of Town with twenty pieces of Field Artillery, that is, two to each Regiment. The men were likewise ordered to carry a pick axe or spade each. When we had marched a little way out of Town, we saw the advanced parties of the Enemy nigh the woods, about half a league distant from us. When we were about three-quarters of a mile out of Town, the General ordered the whole to draw up in line of Battle, two deep, and take up as much room as possible. Soon thereafter, he ordered the men to throw down the intrenching tools, and the whole Army to advance slowly, dressing by the right, having drawn up the 35th Regiment and 3rd Battalion Royal Americans in our rear as a corps of reserve, with one hundred men (in a redoubt which was begun by us a few days preceding) to cover our retreat in case of necessity. In this order, we advanced, about one hundred paces, when the canonading began on our side, and we observed the French advanced parties retiring, and their main body forming in order of Battle at the edge of the wood, about three hundred paces distant we continued canonading and advancing for some minutes. The enemy, on their side, played against the left of our army, where our Regiment happened to be, with two pieces of cannon and killed and wounded us some men. The affair begun now to turn serious, when the General ordered the Light Infantry, who were posted on the right of our army, to attack five companies of French Grenadiers who they obliged to retire, but they being supported by a large column of the enemy, the Light Infantry were in their turn obliged to give way, which they doing along the front of our line on the right (as I am told) hindered our men on the right from firing for some minutes which gave the enemy full time to form. On the left, matters were in a worse situation. The company of Volunteers of the garrison, commanded by Captain Donald McDonald of our Regiment, and Captain Hazen's company of Rangers who covered the left flank of our army having been almost entirely destroyed, were obliged to give way; by this means the left of the 28th Regiment was exposed, and this obliged them to give ground after an obstinate resistance; Colonel Fraser's Regiment was next them to the right, and being in danger of being surrounded, and at the same time extremely galled by a fire from the Bushes in front and flank, were under a necessity of falling back instantly, when Colonel Fraser who commanded the Left Brigade consisting of the 28th, 47th and his own Regiment, sent orders to the 47th to retire; they were drawn up with a small rising ground in their front, which till then covered them pretty much from the enemy's fire, but as most of the Regiment to the right, as well as the two Regiments to the left of them, had by this time retired, it was absolutely necessary for the 47th to quit that ground, otherwise they must inevitably have been surrounded in a few minutes. Most of the Regiments attempted to carry off their artillery, but the ground was so bad with wreaths of snow in the hollows, that they were obliged to abandon them, after nailing them up, as well as the intrenching tools.

Every Regiment made the best of their way to Town, but retired however in such a manner that the enemy did not think proper to pursue very briskly, otherwise they must have killed or made prisoners many more than they did. Our loss was about three hundred killed, and about seven hundred wounded, and a few Officers and men made prisoners. We had about three thousand in the field, one-third of whom had that very day, come voluntarily out of the Hospitals; of these, about five hundred were employed in dragging the cannon, and five hundred more in reserve, so that we could have no more than two thousand in the line of battle, whereas the enemy must have had at least four times as many, beside a large body in reserve, and notwithstanding their great superiority we suffered very little in the retreat; some Regiments attempted to rally, but it was impossible to form in any sort of order with the whole, till we got within the walls.

"Our Regiment had about four hundred men in the field near one half of whom had that day come out of the Hospital, out of their own accord. We had about sixty killed and forty wounded, and of thirty-nine officers, Captain Donald McDonald who commanded the volunteer company of the army, and Lieutenant Cosmo Gordon who commanded the Light Infantry company of our Regiment, were both killed in the field; Lieutenant Hector McDonald and Ensign Malcolm Fraser died of their wounds, all very much regretted by every one who knew them. We had twenty-three more Officers wounded; of this number was Colonel [Simon] Fraser, who commanded the left wing of the army, and it was with great pleasure we observed his behaviour during the action, when he gave his orders with great coolness and deliberation. He was touched at two different times; the first took him in the right breast but having his cartouche box slung, it luckily struck against the star of it and did not penetrate tho', otherways, must infallibly have done his business. The second, he got in the retreat, but striking against the cue of his hair, he received no other damage than a stiffness in his neck for some days. [Fraser then adds this tribute to Lord Lovat's son:] Here I cannot help observing that if any unlucky accident had befallen our Colonel, not only his Regiment must have suffered an irreparable loss, but I think I can, without any partiality say, it would be a loss to his Country. His behaviour this winter in particular to his Regiment has been such, as to make him not only esteemed by them, but by the Garrison in general. Captain Alexander Fraser of our Regiment, was wounded in the right temple, and thought very dangerous, the rest are mostly flesh wounds. I received a musket ball in the right groin, which was thought dangerous for three or four days, as the ball was supposed to be lodged, but whether it has wrought out in walking into Town, or did not penetrate far enough at first to lodge, or is still in, I cannot say, but in twenty days I was entirely cured, and the wound which was at first but small was entirely closed up.

"When we marched out, we thought the General did not intend to give the French battle; and as he ordered the Army to carry out intrenching tools, we thought he meant to throw up works on the rising ground, before the Town, if the Enemy should not choose to attack him that day; but, it seems he changed his mind on seeing their situation, which gave him all the advantage he could desire with such an inferior Army and where, if the Enemy ventured to attack him, he could use his Artillery, on which was his chief dependence, to the best purpose: having a rising ground, whereon he might form his Army and plant his Cannon, so as to play on the Enemy as they advanced for about four hundred or five hundred yards, with round shot, and when they came within a proper distance the grape shot must have cut them to pieces. However, it seems he observed the enemy, some formed at the edge of the wood, some forming, and the rest marching from St. Foy. The bait was too tempting, and his pa.s.sion for glory getting the better of his reason he ordered the Army to march and attack the enemy, as he thought, before they could form, in a situation the most desired by them and ought to be avoided by us, as the Canadians and Savages could be used against us to the greatest advantage in their beloved (if I may say element) woods. It would give me great pleasure to relate something more to the advantage of this gentleman who is, in many respects, possessed of several virtues, and particularly all the military ones, except prudence, and entirely free of all mercenary principles; but, as his conduct on this occasion is universally condemned by all those who are not immediately dependent on him, truth obliges me to state matters as I believe, they really stood; more especially as it is not said he advised with any of those who had a right to be consulted before such a step should be taken. Nay, it is said: that the preceding night, at a meeting with the different Commandants of the Corps, he declared his intention of fortifying himself on the heights and not to attack the Enemy, unless he should be forced to it, which we were persuaded of by his orders to carry out intrenching tools. We had very little chance of beating an Army four times our number [an exaggeration: they were not twice as numerous] in a situation where we could scarce act; and if the Enemy had made a proper use of their advantage, the consequences must have proved fatal to us, as they might have got betwixt us and the Town, cut off our retreat, and by that means ruined us to all intents." [It will hardly be denied that the young officer is rather severe upon his future friend and patron, General Murray.]

"Our situation became now extremely critical: we were beat in the field, by an army greatly superior in numbers, and obliged to rely on what defence we could make within the walls of Quebec, which were hitherto reckoned of very little consequence against a superior army.

"The French that very night after the Battle opened trenches within six hundred yards of the walls, and went on next, 29th April, with their works pretty briskly. For the first two days after the battle there was very little done by us; and on the 1st of May, the largest of our block houses (small square redoubts of Logs musquet proof) was blown up by accident, and Captain Cameron of our Regiment and a subaltern of the 48th with several men, dangerously burnt and bruised. On the 3rd day after the battle, the General set about to strengthen or (I may say) fortify the Town, and the men worked with the greatest alacrity. In a few days there were about one hundred additional guns mounted, with which our people kept an incessant fire on the enemy, and r.e.t.a.r.ded their works very much.

"On the 9th May, the Leostaff Frigate, Captain Dean, arrived from England, and brought us news from thence, and informed us that there was a squadron in the River, which might be expected every tide to our a.s.sistance. This added greatly to the spirits of the Garrison, and our works were carried on briskly. The General seemed resolved from the first to defend the place to the last. This, n.o.body doubted, and every one seemed to forget their late misfortune, and to place entire confidence in the General's conduct, which all must acknowledge very resolute, when reduced almost to an extremity.

"On the 11th May, the French opened two Batteries mounting thirteen guns, and one or two mortars. Their heavy metal consisted of one twenty-four and two eighteen pounders, the rest were all light. They did not seem to confine their fire entirely to any particular part of the Walls, otherwise I believe they might in time have made a breach, and their fire was not very smart. We were masters of a much superior fire, and annoyed the besiegers at their batteries very much. Their fire became every day more and more faint, and it was generally believed they intended to raise the seige.

"On the 16th May, in the evening the Vanguard, commodore Swanton, and Diana Frigate, Captain Schomberg, arrived from England, and next morning, 17th May, 1760, they and the Leostaff attacked the two French Frigates that lay at anchor in the Bay, above Cape Diamond; which when they first observed, they made as if they intended to engage, but on our ships approaching nearer, they set sail up the river; but one of them ran ash.o.r.e immediately, and our Frigates soon got up with theirs, and obliged them also to run aground and thereafter destroyed them. One ship however escaped out of their reach, and unluckily, the Leostaff, after all was over, ran on a rock, sunk and was entirely lost.

"That very night several deserters came into the Town, and informed that most part of the French army had marched, the Trenches being guarded by their Grenadiers only. About twelve o'clock at night, the General sent out a party who found the Trenches entirely abandoned and next morning, 18th May, 1760, we found ourselves entirely freed of very disagreeable neighbours, having left behind all their artillery, with a great part of their ammunition, Camp equipage and baggage. What made them retreat with such precipitation we could not guess; but, it seems they were seized with a panic. It appears they allowed the savages to scalp all the killed and most part of the wounded, as we found a great many scalps on the bushes.

"I have been since informed by Lieutenant McGregor, of our Regiment, who was left on the field wounded, and narrowly escaped being killed, having received two stabs of a bayonet from two French Regulars, that he saw the savages murdering the wounded and scalping them on all sides, and expected every moment to share the same fate, but was saved by a French Officer, who luckily spoke a little English."

Thus ends Fraser's narrative of the two sieges of Quebec. He served in the third siege, that of 1775-76, and was still alive in 1812-15 to give counsel when Quebec was again menaced by the Americans.

APPENDIX B (p. 38)

t.i.tLE-DEED OF THE SEIGNIORY OF MURRAY BAY GRANTED TO CAPTAIN JOHN NAIRNE OF THE 78th REGIMENT, APRIL 27th, 1762

By the Honourable James Murray, Esquire, Governor of Quebec, &c.

Whereas it is a national advantage and tends to promote the cultivation of lands within the province to encourage His Majesty's natural-born subjects settling within the same:

For these purposes, and in consideration of the faithful services rendered by John Nairne, Esquire, Captain in the 78th Regiment of Foot, unto His Majesty, I do hereby give, grant, and concede unto the said Captain John Nairne, his heirs, executors, and administrators for ever, all that extent of land lying on the north side of the river St.

Lawrence from the Cap aux Oyes, limit of the parish of Eboulemens, to the south side of the river of Malbaie, and for three leagues back, to be known hereafter, at the special request of said John Nairne, by the name of Murray's Bay; firmly to hold the same to himself, his heirs, executors, and administrators for ever, or until His Majesty's pleasure is further known, for and in consideration of the possessor's paying liege homage to His Majesty, his heirs and successors, at his castle of St. Lewis in Quebec on each mutation of property, and, by way of acknowledgment, a piece of gold of the value of ten shillings, with one year's rent of the domain reserved, as customary in this country, together with the woods and rivers, or other appurtenances within the said extent, right of fishing or fowling on the same therein included without hindrance or molestation; all kind of traffic with the Indians of the back country hereby specially excepted.

Given under my hand and seal at Quebec, this 27th day of April, 1762.

(Signed) JAS. MURRAY.

APPENDIX C (p. 78)

THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC IN 1775-76

COLONEL NAIRNE TO MISS M. NAIRNE

_Quebec, 14th May, 1776._

The New England rebels were very successful on their first arrival in this Province having got most of the Canadians in their interest. They took the two Regiments (which were all the regular troops in the Province) prisoners, made themselves masters of the Town of Montreal and all the Forts and the whole open country. Flushed with this success they came before our Capital (Quebec) where their main army was joined by a reinforcement of six hundred men who had marched straight through the Woods from Boston where scarcely any body had ever pa.s.sed before and thought utterly impracticable for a body of men. The suburbs about Quebec which were extensive (now in ruins) were not all destroyed at the first arrival of the enemy so that in two places they annoyed us with their Riflemen though they only killed a very few. They also (though in the Winter) got a Battery of five guns against the Town but [it] was silenced by a superior fire from our Ramparts. They also bombarded the Town in the night with small sh.e.l.l till the 31st December when about two hours before day they made a general attack with their whole force upon the Ramparts, their two princ.i.p.al attacks being against the two extremitys of the low Town. Their General (Montgomery) an Irish gentleman who had been a Captain in our army possessing extraordinary qualifications fitting him for such a Command led the attack against a very strong post in the low town. Our Cannon (six pieces) loaded with grape shot, did not begin to fire till the enemy was within the distance of twenty yards, which with the musketry of the guard at the same time made terrible havoc. Their General with four of his officers lay slain in one heap within twenty and others within ten yards of our fortifications by which that attack was wholly frustrated and all that part of their army retired in confusion. The attack upon the other extremity of the low Town was made with six hundred men. At first they had success though that turned out at last to their ruin. They forced our advanced post where we had four pieces of cannon, afterward got possession of another barrier and forced their way through a narrow street to the last barrier, which if they had gained they would have been in the low Town. At the same time the Governor ordered a sally out at a Gate they had pa.s.sed to follow their track in the snow (that was then deep) and fall upon them behind. That we should open a Gate and attack them when attacked ourselves was a thing very unexpected so that finding they were stopped at the last barrier and thus attacked behind they were obliged to take shelter in the houses of the narrow street and at last gave themselves up prisoners to the number of about four hundred and fifty amongst whom were thirty-two officers of all ranks from Colonels to Ensigns. The morning of the attack I happened to have the Piquet and guessing by the flashes in the air (in the dark) that it was musketry at the other side of the town, tho' we heard no report, had the Piquet drawn out upon the Ramparts at our alarm post, before the firing came round that length, which it soon did and we fired away upon these people as they pa.s.sed along that way, which they were obliged to do to get to the low Town. About break of day Major Caldwell came round with some men, and took me with part of the Piquet along with him to the low Town. When we got there the enemy had got on as far as the inner Barrier and [had] a Ladder on both sides of it. There the Battle raged till the Enemy falling back got into Houses. Some time after the Sorti coming behind them put an end to the affair. It was the first time I ever happened to be so closely engaged as we were obliged to push our bayonets. It is certainly a disagreeable necessity to be obliged to put one another to death especially those speaking the same language and dressed in the same manner with ourselves. Only these mad people had a large piece of white linen or paper upon their foreheads with the words "Liberty or Death" wrote upon it. The Garrison in general behaved remarkably well consisting in all of about 1400 men, mostly the town Militia and sailors with 200 of Maclean's corps which were only raised last summer. They certainly did their duty with much patience during a severe winter of six months. In the day time we wrought a great deal at the fortifications and shovelling the snow and in the night even those not upon duty durst not sleep but with Clothes and accoutrements on and by whole Companys in one House to be the more ready, for, upon our vigilance, everything depended. For the last month the Enemy had two Batterys of four Guns each, playing on the Town with red hot b.a.l.l.s, in hope to set it on fire but luckily did very little harm. They also made use of a fire ship in order to burn our shipping in the Harbour, which would have communicated the flames to the Town, at the same time intending to escalade the Walls, for which purpose they laid numbers of ladders all round in our sight which had the effect to keep us more upon our Guard. This fire ship got very near the Harbour but a Cannon being fired that was well directed the men that were in her left her a little too soon so that the tide carried her clear past the town without doing the least harm and disappointed them of their attack for which their whole army was prepared. Thus from the 14th of November last we pa.s.sed one dreary night after another either watching or making Rounds and Patrole upon an extent of works of upwards of three miles round, till the 6th of May when we had the agreeable sight of Commodore Dougla.s.s with a Ship of War and two Frigates arriving in the Bason with part of the 29th Regiment on board. And the same day with only the reinforcement of about 300 Regular Troops the Gates were thrown open and the whole garrison (except those on Guard) poured out, drove off the Enemy's advanced Guards and marched forward near two miles clear out upon the plain (our former field of Battles last war) with three pieces of cannon in our front that fired away at some partys of men at a distance. This Sally, so unexpected and the two Frigates [being] under sail at the same time up the River; [and the enemy] being ignorant of our numbers and suspecting probably that there was a force on board the Frigates which might by taking possession of a strong post above cut off their retreat, their whole army took to their heels (it is said about 3000 men) leaving all their Artillery stores, baggage and provisions which fell into our hands. I suppose they will retreat to Montreal where they expect strong reinforcements from New England. We will probably soon follow them though our Corps may possibly be left to garrison Quebec. General Carleton has gained honour by his behaviour this winter. He showed himself a brave steady officer careful not to expose rashly the lives of his men, in short a chief whom we esteem and cheerfully obey. Lieut.

Colonel Maclean has likewise great merit in having contributed much to the preservation of this place by his forwarding the reparations of the fortifications and his indefatigable care and trouble in the directing the duty of the Garrison, together with his management in every shape as a good officer. He was here the second in Command and seemed the fittest man in the world for the place he occupied. There were also several old Officers who happened to be here and were of great service as Major Caldwell who distinguished himself very much, Major c.o.x, two Captain Frasers and several others.

Mr. Wauchope who you will wish to hear of is very well. He has done Lieutenant's duty this winter in Maclean's Regiment, is a good officer and went through some severe Duty with great perseverance.

Yours, &c., &c.,

J.N.

APPENDIX D (p. 98)

MEMORANDUM FOR ENSIGN JOHN NAIRNE, 5TH APRIL, 1795

1st. You ought to read the Articles of War.

2nd. To pay the greatest attention to all orders from your Superior Officers.