While the princ.i.p.al object of the National a.s.sociation always was a Federal Amendment, for which it worked unceasingly, it realized that Congress would not submit one until a number of States had made the experiment and their enfranchised women could bring political pressure to bear on the members. Therefore the a.s.sociation campaigned in the States for amendments to their const.i.tutions. The Union did no work of this kind but when it was organized nine States had granted full suffrage to women, the time was ripe for a big "drive" for a Federal Amendment and it could utilize this tremendous backing. Within the next five years six more States were added to the list, including the powerful one of New York. In addition the National a.s.sociation, cooperating with the women in the States, had secured in fourteen others the right for their women to vote for Presidential electors.

The Federal Amendment was a certainty of a not distant future but there was yet a great deal of work to do.

In carrying on this work, while the two organizations followed similar lines in many respects there were some marked differences. The National a.s.sociation was strictly non-partisan, made no distinction of parties, and followed only const.i.tutional methods. The Congressional Union held the majority party in Congress wholly responsible for the success or failure of the Federal Amendment and undertook to prevent the re-election of its members. In the Congressional elections of 1914 its representatives toured the States where women could vote and urged them to defeat all Democratic candidates regardless of their att.i.tude toward woman suffrage. This policy was followed in subsequent campaigns.

In 1915 the Union held a convention in San Francisco during the Panama-Pacific Exposition and sent envoys across the country with a pet.i.tion to President Wilson and Congress collected at its headquarters during the exposition. In 1916 it held a three days'

convention in Chicago during the National Republican convention and at this time organized the National Woman's Party with the Federal Suffrage Amendment as the only plank in its platform and a Campaign Committee was formed with Miss Anne Martin of Nevada as chairman. At a meeting in Washington in March, 1917, the name Congressional Union was officially changed to National Woman's Party and Miss Paul was elected chairman.

On Jan. 10, 1917, the Union began the "picketing" of the White House, delegations of women with banners standing at the gates all day "as a perpetual reminder to President Wilson that they held him responsible for their disfranchis.e.m.e.nt." They stood there unmolested for three months and then the United States entered the war. Conditions were no longer normal, feeling was intense and there were protests from all parts of the country against this demonstration in front of the home of the President. In June the police began arresting them for "obstructing the traffic" and during the next six months over 200 were arrested representing many States. They refused to pay their fines in the police court and were sent to the jail and workhouse for from three days to seven months. These were unsanitary, they were roughly treated, "hunger strikes" and forcible feeding followed, there was public indignation and on November 28 President Wilson pardoned all of them and the "picketing" was resumed. Congress delayed action on the Federal Amendment and members of the Union held meetings in Lafayette Square and burned the President's speeches. Later they burned them and a paper effigy of the President on the sidewalk in front of the White House. Arrests and imprisonments followed.

While these violent tactics were being followed the Union worked also along legitimate lines, organized parades, lobbied in Congress, attended committee hearings, went to political conventions, interviewed candidates and worked unceasingly. When the amendment was submitted for ratification it transferred its activities to the Legislatures and the Presidential candidates.

After the Federal Amendment was proclaimed a convention was called to meet in Washington Feb. 15-19, 1921, and decide whether the organization should disband or continue its work until women stood on the same legal, civil, and economic basis as men. The convention decided on the latter course. The name was retained. Miss Paul insisted upon retiring from office and Miss Elsie Hill, who had long been an officer, was elected chairman. A large executive committee was named, headed by Mrs. Oliver H. P. Belmont of New York. An impressive ceremony took place in the rotunda of the Capitol on February 15, the 101st birthday of Susan B. Anthony, when the party presented to Congress a marble group of Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Lucretia Mott, the work of Mrs. Adelaide Johnson, with representatives of sixty organizations of women taking part. It was officially accepted by Congress.

The National Woman's Party will undertake to secure a Federal Amendment removing all disabilities on account of s.e.x or marriage and will also have bills for this purpose introduced in State Legislatures. In 1921 Mrs. Belmont, who had been the largest contributor, gave $146,000 for the purchase of a historic mansion in Washington to be used for permanent headquarters and for a national political clubhouse for women. At a new election Mrs. Belmont was made president; Miss Paul vice-president and Miss Hill chairman of the executive committee.

a.s.sOCIATIONS OPPOSED TO WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

The first society of women opposed to the suffrage seems to have been formed in Washington, D. C., in 1871, with the wife of General Sherman, the wife of Admiral Dahlgren and Mrs. Almira Lincoln Phelps, a sister of Miss Emma Willard, as officers. Their first public effort on record was two letters to the Washington _Post_ published in 1876 and a memorial from Mrs. Dahlgren in 1878 to a Senate Committee which was to grant a hearing to the suffragists on a Federal Amendment.

An Anti-Suffrage Committee was formed in Ma.s.sachusetts in the early '80's with Mrs. Charles D. Homans as chairman. About twenty prominent women signed a remonstrance against a State suffrage amendment, which was first presented to the Legislature in 1884 and each year afterwards when there was a resolution before it for this purpose. An a.s.sociation Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women was organized in Ma.s.sachusetts in May, 1895, with Mrs. J. Elliott Cabot president and Mrs. Charles E. Guild secretary; Laurence Minot, treasurer. Executive Committee, chairman, Mrs. Henry M. Whitney. A paper called the _Remonstrance_, started about 1890, was published quarterly in Boston, edited for some years by Frank Foxcroft. It ceased publication October, 1920, at which time Mrs. J. M. Codman was editor.

In 1894, when a convention for revising the const.i.tution of New York State was held, Anti-Suffrage Committees were formed in Brooklyn, April 18; in New York City, April 25; in Albany, April 28. These committees combined to form the New York State a.s.sociation Opposed to Woman Suffrage on April 8, 1895, with Mrs. Francis M. Scott, president. The other States in which there was an a.s.sociation or committee in late years were as follows: Alabama, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Nebraska, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, D. C., Wisconsin.

The National a.s.sociation Opposed to Woman Suffrage was organized in New York City in November, 1911, with the following officers: President, Mrs. Arthur M. Dodge; vice-presidents, Miss Mary A. Ames, Boston, and Mrs. Horace Brock, Philadelphia; secretary, Mrs. William B. Glover, Fairfield, Conn.; treasurer, Mrs. Robert Garrett, Baltimore. Mrs. James W. Wadsworth, Jr., succeeded Mrs. Dodge in July, 1917, and was followed by Miss Mary G. Kilbreth in 1920. The aim of the a.s.sociation was "to increase general interest in the opposition to universal woman suffrage and to educate the public in the belief that women can be more useful to the community without the ballot than if affiliated with and influenced by party politics." It held ma.s.s meetings during campaigns; sent delegates to hearings given by committees of Congress on a Federal Suffrage Amendment and other matters connected with national woman suffrage; also to Legislatures to oppose State amendments; sent speakers and workers to States where amendment campaigns were in progress and circulated vast quant.i.ties of literature.

The national headquarters were in New York City at 37 West 39th St.

until 1918 when they were moved to Washington, D. C. Three papers were published, the _Anti-Suffragist_ in Albany; the _Woman's Protest_ in New York from May, 1912 to March 1, 1918, when it was succeeded by the _Woman Patriot_, published in Washington.

THE MAN SUFFRAGE a.s.sOCIATION.

It is difficult to get statistics of the men's a.s.sociation to prevent woman suffrage. Everett P. Wheeler, a prominent lawyer of New York City, always the moving spirit of the a.s.sociation and its branches, sent the following information:

"The Man Suffrage a.s.sociation, opposed to political suffrage for women, was organized in New York in 1913 at the request of the State Woman's Anti-Suffrage a.s.sociation. Its officers were: Everett P.

Wheeler, chairman; executive committee: Walter C. Childs, Arthur B.

Church, John R. DosPa.s.sos, Chas. S. Fairchild, Eugene D. Hawkins, Henry W. Hayden, George Douglas Miller, Robert K. Prentice, Louis T.

Romaine, Herbert L. Satterlee, George W. Seligman, Prof. Munroe Smith, Francis Lynde Stetson, John C. Ten Eyck, Gilbert M. Tucker, Dr.

Talcott Williams, George W. Wickersham.

"The a.s.sociation issued many pamphlets, briefs, legal arguments, articles and speeches by prominent men, editorials, etc. The Case Against Woman Suffrage, a pamphlet of 80 pages, was prepared as a Manual for writers, lecturers and debaters and contained historical sketches, statistics, opinions of men and women, bibliography, answers to suffrage arguments--a ma.s.s of information from the viewpoint of opponents.

"The a.s.sociation continued in existence until after the adoption of the suffrage amendment to the State const.i.tution of New York in November, 1917. It was not national in scope but was in affiliation with similar societies in other States. The name of the New Jersey a.s.sociation was Men's Anti-Suffrage League and its princ.i.p.al officers were: Colonel William Libbey, president; Edward Q. Keasbey, vice-president; Walter C. Ellis, secretary; John C. Eisele, treasurer.

There was also an a.s.sociation in Maryland and other States.

"The name of the New York a.s.sociation was not changed but in November, 1917, a new one called the American Const.i.tutional League, was formed.

The reason for the change was that the question so far as the const.i.tution of New York was concerned had been settled by vote and agitation was being pressed with vigor in Congress for the proposal by that body of a National Suffrage Amendment. This league is still in existence (1920). It was active in opposing the adoption of the Federal Amendment, was heard before committees of Congress and afterwards before committees of the Legislatures opposing ratification. It is national in its scope and has members in fifteen States.

"When it was announced that the Legislature of West Virginia had pa.s.sed a resolution ratifying the Federal Amendment, the league presented to Secretary of State Colby the evidence that it had not been legally adopted. This evidence he declared he had no power to consider but was bound by any certificate he might receive from the Secretary of West Virginia. The league also urged upon him that under the const.i.tution of Tennessee, when the Legislature was called in extra session it had no power to ratify the amendment. This evidence he also declined to consider. Thereupon a suit was brought in the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia to restrain him from issuing the proclamation of ratification. The ground was taken that the proposed amendment was not within the amending power of Article V of the National Const.i.tution; that its first ten amendments form a Bill of Rights which can only be changed by the unanimous consent of all the States. It was contended that it was essential to a republican form of government that the States should have the right to regulate and determine the qualifications for suffrage for the election of their own officers and that the guarantee in the National Const.i.tution of a republican form of government would be violated if this amendment should be held to be valid. The bill was dismissed in the Supreme Court on several grounds, partly technical, and the decree was affirmed in the District Court of Appeals apparently on the ground that the proclamation of ratification was not final. An appeal from this decree is now pending in the Supreme Court of the United States.

All this litigation has been conducted by the American Const.i.tutional League.

"The New York headquarters are in Mr. Wheeler's office in William Street; the Washington headquarters are where the official anti-suffrage organ, the _Woman Patriot_, is published. While the declared object of the League is 'to protect the Federal Const.i.tution from further invasion' the only effort it has made is to defeat woman suffrage. The Hon. Charles S. Fairchild, Secretary of the Treasury under President Cleveland, is president; honorary vice-presidents, Dr.

Lyman Abbott, Francis Lynde Stetson, Herbert L. Satterlee, George W.

Wickersham, John C. Milburn, George W. Seligman, the Rev. Anson P.

Atterbury and Dr. William P. Manning; Mr. Wheeler, chairman of the executive committee."

During the struggle to secure ratification of the Federal Suffrage Amendment from the Tennessee Legislature in August, 1920, Mr. Wheeler went to that State and a branch of the league was formed there. The strongest possible fight against it was made. Chancellor Vertrees wrote articles and delivered speeches against it. Professor G. W. Dyer of Vanderbilt University; Frank P. Bond, a Nashville attorney, and others made a speaking tour of the State. When Governor Roberts sent the certificate of ratification to Secretary of State Colby, Speaker of the House Seth M. Walker headed a delegation to Washington to protest against its being accepted. Failing in this they went on to Connecticut to try to prevent ratification by its Legislature.

In Maryland the Men's Anti-Suffrage a.s.sociation took the name of League for State Defense. Having defeated ratification in the Legislature of that State a delegation went to the West Virginia Legislature in a vain effort to prevent it there. After Maryland women had voted in 1920, suit was brought in the Court of Common Pleas to invalidate the action in the name of Judge Oscar Leser and twenty members of the league's board of managers. Receiving an adverse decision they carried the case to the Court of Appeals, which sustained the decision. Mr. Wheeler and William L. Marbury, George Arnold Frick and Thomas F. Cadwalader of Baltimore represented the league. They carried the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, where it remains at present.[145]

FOOTNOTES:

[142] The following were the officers of the National College Equal Suffrage League at the time it disbanded: President, M. Carey Thomas, president of Bryn Mawr College; First vice-president, Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, honorary president of the National American Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation; vice-presidents: Mary E. Woolley, president of Mount Holyoke College; Ellen F. Pendleton, president of Wellesley College; Lucy M. Salmon, professor of history in Va.s.sar College; Lillian Welch, professor of physiology and hygiene in Goucher College (Baltimore); Virginia C. Gildersleeve, dean of Barnard College (Columbia University); Lois K. Mathews, dean of women in the University of Wisconsin; Eva Johnston, dean of women in the University of Missouri; Florence M. Fitch, dean of college women and professor of Biblical literature, Oberlin College; Maud Wood Park, Boston; executive secretary, Mrs. Ethel Puffer Howes, New York City; treasurer, Mrs.

Raymond B. Morgan, president Washington, D. C., Collegiate Alumnae.

ETHEL PUFFER HOWES, M. CAREY THOMAS, Executive Secretary. President.

[143] The History is indebted for this sketch to Anne Webb (Mrs. O.

Edward) Janney, president of the Friends' Equal Rights a.s.sociation and superintendent of the department of equal rights of the Committee of Philanthropic Labor of the Friends' General Conference.

[144] Detailed accounts of these conferences may be found in the _Woman's Journal_ (Boston) of the dates following those on which they were held.

[145] As this volume goes to press the U. S. Supreme Court on Feb. 27, 1922, rendered a unanimous adverse decision in both cases and declared that the Federal Amendment had been legally ratified.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE LEAGUE OF WOMAN VOTERS.[146]

The League of Women Voters was first mentioned at the convention of the National American Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation in Washington, D. C., Dec. 12-15, 1917, when its president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, outlined a plan to unite the women of the equal suffrage States. She suggested organization committees of five women in each, these committees to be united in a central body known as the National League of Women Voters. Upon the enfranchis.e.m.e.nt of its women each State would automatically join the organization, which would provide a way to retain suffrage a.s.sociations for work on the Federal Amendment and various reforms. It was voted that a committee be appointed to undertake such a plan of organization. [Handbook of convention, page 48.]

The League of Women Voters was organized at the national convention in St. Louis March 24-29, 1919, in commemoration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the first grant of suffrage on equal terms with men in the world (in Wyoming) and the Fiftieth Anniversary of the organization of the first National Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation. Women were eligible at this time to vote for President in twenty-eight States. The submission of the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment was promised by the Sixty-sixth Congress and early ratification was a.s.sured, so that the object for which the a.s.sociation had labored through half a century of arduous sacrifice and toil was nearly attained. The natural question, therefore, was, Should the a.s.sociation make plans to dissolve immediately upon ratification or was there reason for continuance?

On the opening night of the convention Mrs. Catt answered this question and gave the purpose and aims of the new organization in her address The Nation Calls. She said in part:

Every suffragist will hope for a memorial dedicated to the memory of our brave departed leaders, to the sacrifices they made for our cause, to the scores of victories won.... I venture to propose one whose benefits will bless our entire nation and bring happiness to the humblest of our citizens--the most natural, the most appropriate and the most patriotic memorial that could be suggested--a League of Women Voters to "finish the fight" and to aid in the reconstruction of the nation. What could be more natural than that women having attained their political independence should desire to give service in token of their grat.i.tude? What could be more appropriate than that such women should do for the coming generation what those of a preceding did for them? What could be more patriotic than that these women should use their new freedom to make the country safer for their children and their children's children?

Let us then raise up a League of Women Voters, the name and form of organization to be determined by the members themselves; a league that shall be non-partisan and non-sectarian and consecrated to three chief aims: 1. To use its influence to obtain the full enfranchis.e.m.e.nt of the women of every State in our own republic and to reach out across the seas in aid of the woman's struggle for her own in every land. 2. To remove the remaining legal discriminations against women in the codes and const.i.tutions of the several States in order that the feet of coming women may find these stumbling blocks removed. 3. To make our democracy so safe for the nation and so safe for the world that every citizen may feel secure and great men will acknowledge the worthiness of the American republic to lead.

The following ten points covered by Mrs. Catt in her address were adopted later as the first aims of the League of Women Voters and made the plan of work for the Committee on American Citizenship: 1.

Compulsory education in every State for all children between six and sixteen during nine months of each year. 2. Education of adults by extension cla.s.ses of the public schools. 3. English made the national language by having it compulsory in all public and private schools where courses in general education are conducted. 4. Higher qualifications for citizenship and more sympathetic and impressive ceremonials for naturalization. 5. Direct citizenship for women, not through marriage, as a qualification for the vote. 6. Naturalization for married women to be made possible. 7. Compulsory publication in foreign language newspapers of lessons in citizenship. 8. Schools of citizenship in conjunction with the public schools, a certificate from such schools to be a qualification for naturalization and for the vote. 9. An oath of allegiance to the United States to be one qualification for the vote for every citizen native and foreign born.

10. An educational qualification for the vote in all States after a definite date to be determined.

With Mrs. Catt in the chair and Miss Katharine Pierce of Oklahoma secretary, after full discussion the League of Women Voters was launched to replace the National American Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation when the work for which the latter was organized was fully accomplished. Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, honorary president of the a.s.sociation, expressed herself as "whole-heartedly in favor of the proposed action." [Handbook of convention, page 43.] Mrs. Charles H.